This paper examines the sociocultural and historical factors behind Tennessee's deeply entrenched Republican political identity, focusing on the 2nd Congressional District and its unbroken GOP representation since 1855. It profiles Representative Jimmy Duncan, Jr., whose family dynasty and occasional bipartisan votes—most notably his opposition to the 2003 Iraq War—illustrate the district's brand of conservatism. The paper also analyzes Senator Lamar Alexander's moderate Republican record, the Tea Party's challenge to his Senate seat, and how interest group ratings from organizations including the ADA, ACU, ACLU, and Christian Coalition illuminate the divergent perceptions of both legislators among key voter segments.
The bipartisan structure that defines the American system of democratic governance is premised on the notion that informed voters, when provided with an opportunity to select their own leadership, will invariably alternate between candidates with whom they identify closely and members of the opposing party who offer meaningful reform. This maxim of American politics has resulted in a pattern of presidential ascendency whereby neither party has captured the White House in three consecutive elections since Franklin Delano Roosevelt notched four consecutive campaign victories more than a half-century ago. Nonetheless, pockets of provincial loyalty still exist throughout the national electorate, with family histories and cultural touchstones serving to elevate one party above its competition in the hearts and minds of voters.
In the second congressional district of Tennessee — an area spanning the metropolitan borders of Knoxville as well as the surrounding suburbs of Farragut, Maryville, and Powell — this curious phenomenon of local politics has become engrained in the societal structure, forming a continuous chain of Republican leadership from the district's current representative back to his predecessors in 1855. With the election of John James "Jimmy" Duncan, Jr. (R-Knoxville) in 1988 — and his successful reelection every two years afterward — the second congressional district of Tennessee has maintained a steady state of Republican representation for more than 150 years. However, this unbroken line of succession has not been mirrored in Tennessee's delegation of U.S. Senators, as current Senator Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) is just the third GOP member to represent Tennessee in the Senate during the last 100 years. The following analysis examines the array of sociocultural factors that have contributed to the state's decidedly conservative political leaning, both at the congressional and senatorial level.
The second congressional district of Tennessee was created on March 4, 1805. When the state opted to secede from the Union during the run-up to the Civil War, the seated representative of this district was one of only two in Tennessee to refrain from resigning in allegiance with the Confederacy. After hostilities ceased and the American nation began the arduous work of Reconstruction, the largely agrarian, small-scale farming population of the second congressional district aligned itself unequivocally with the Republican Party, an allegiance that has remained unbroken to this day.
Voters in the second congressional district pride themselves on consistency. Before Jimmy Duncan, Jr. was elected to represent the state's interests in the House of Representatives, his father, John Duncan, Sr., held the seat for more than 23 years (Barone & Cohen, 2005). As the son of one of Tennessee's most respected GOP officials — in a district that has voted Republican for more than 150 years — the younger Duncan was groomed for political life from an early age, and his conservative roots were deeply planted. As revealed in a comprehensive profile published by The American Conservative, the Congressman's son was "a teenaged Goldwater enthusiast, [who] rode a train for 77 hours to the San Francisco convention to serve as an honorary assistant sergeant-at-arms" (Kauffman, 2005), and sent his first paycheck from a job as a grocery store bagboy to support conservative stalwart Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential bid.
Duncan went on to earn a law degree from George Washington University Law School in 1973, and he worked as a practicing attorney until 1981 before becoming a state court judge in Knox County. When the elder Duncan passed away suddenly in 1988, his son took up the mantle and entered a special election to replace his late father in the House — an election he won handily.
Despite not facing a serious reelection challenge during his time in Congress, Duncan has been extremely active on the House floor. He gained a certain level of fame — or infamy in the eyes of his more hawkish constituents — after becoming one of only six House Republicans to vote against authorizing the 2003 War in Iraq (Kauffman, 2005). Duncan's moral stance on unprompted foreign military engagement has been confirmed numerous times throughout his tenure: he voted against a resolution supporting the war in 2006 and was one of only two Republicans to oppose a 2007 measure to fund the conflict.
Although these votes have drawn the ire of Tea Party groups throughout the South — prompting one faction to inform Duncan that he would face a Republican primary challenge in 2014 — Duncan's steadfast commitment to the values of his constituents has been applauded on a bipartisan basis by moderate members on both sides of the aisle.
"Alexander's bipartisan record and Tea Party challenges"
"ADA, ACU, ACLU, and Christian Coalition ratings analyzed"
Kauffman, B. (2005, September 12). Volunteer statesman. The American Conservative. Retrieved from http://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/volunteer-statesman/
Project Vote Smart. (2013, November 18). Retrieved from
You’re 46% through this paper. Sign up to read the remaining 2 sections.
Sign Up Now — Instant Access Already a member? Log inAlways verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.