This paper examines how W.E.B. Du Bois positioned himself within the classical sociological tradition by engaging with and extending the frameworks of Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Émile Durkheim. Du Bois's unique contribution was his insistence on incorporating race as a central analytical category in social theory. The paper traces parallels between Du Bois and each theorist: his alignment with Marx on capitalism's exploitative nature and class struggle, his resonance with Weber on ethics, national identity, and social reform, and his connection with Durkheim on social norms, alienation, and anomie. The analysis concludes by affirming the enduring relevance of Du Bois's ideas on institutional racism, identity, and intersecting systems of power.
W.E.B. Du Bois was a premier American sociologist whose contributions to social theory strengthen the philosophies of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. Du Bois studied formally in America and Germany, where he developed his core philosophies. By interjecting the issue of race into the prevailing sociological discourse, Du Bois showed how to apply concepts like structuralism, functionalism, identity formation, and systems of power to social problems. Concerned particularly with racism, Du Bois showed that racism serves a distinct sociological function and is embedded in social institutions. In particular, racism upholds social structures and institutions that perpetuate hierarchies and power imbalances.
Thus, Du Bois revealed the intersections between race and power and encouraged the application of social theory to racial conflicts. Unlike Marx, Weber, or Durkheim, Du Bois grappled with issues related to racial identity formation — and especially how to reconcile an American identity with an African one. This is why Du Bois opted for Ghanaian citizenship and spent the last years of his life there. Fundamentally, Du Bois's teachings and writings parallel the claims made by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim regarding the ways individuals behave in social systems, the centrality of power in social institutions, and how social systems as a whole perpetuate themselves, change, or die.
Like Marx, Du Bois recognized that capitalism is an innately and inextricably exploitative system. Also like Marx, Du Bois understood that social class is not just a function of economic power, but also of broader systems of social power and access to capital. Power depends on subjugation, which in turn depends on institutions like the legal and political systems. Thus, capitalism is reinforced by the law and upheld by social norms. "Class struggle was the result of class domination; and class domination, which would be seen again and again in the historical archive, meant that the stronger classes used the state to take advantage of the weaker classes" (Appiah, 2014, p. 34). Only a revolutionary transformation can undermine the system of exploitation.
Although some of Du Bois's political and social theories derive directly from Marx, Marx did not discuss race. Unlike Marx, Du Bois shows that race can be understood with regard to class conflict. The weaker classes by definition lack access to social, cultural, political, and financial capital. It is impossible to gain access to capital within the self-same system, which is why a revolution in consciousness or a political revolution becomes necessary. Marx urged self-empowerment, as did Du Bois.
Like Weber, Du Bois viewed social reform through an ethical and moral lens, and both theorists were interested in the social theory of religion. A society not only can, but should, endeavor to reach ideal states of liberty and equality. The elimination of class conflict is a moral imperative. As Du Bois wrote, "It is a battle for humanity and human culture. If in the hey-day [sic] of the greatest of the world's civilizations, it is possible for one people ruthlessly to steal another… enslave them… and then slowly murder them by economic and social exclusion until they disappear from the face of the earth… then our civilization is vain and the republic is a mockery and a farce" (cited in Appiah, 2014, p. 36).
Also like Weber, Du Bois remained deeply interested in national identity. Weber was an idealist who surmised that nations could be formed on the basis of common values rather than on ethnicity. Du Bois held the same ideals for America, but the country had so deeply betrayed its promise of liberty and justice for all that the philosopher eventually exiled himself. Black Americans were excluded from mainstream American society, its systems of power, and its means of production. African Americans were not considered part of the social fabric of American society because they were perpetually labeled as "others" — just as Jews were in Germany during Du Bois's tenure there. As Du Bois put it, "Americans do not encourage Negroes to share modern culture" (cited in Zuckerman, 2004, p. 38).
"Social norms, anomie, and African-American alienation"
Du Bois's ideas remain salient today. Not enough attention is given to Du Bois, who is sometimes marginalized as a "black sociologist" as opposed to a universalist thinker whose ideas pertain to gender and other systematic forms of oppression. The structural and functional problems Du Bois identifies are still observable, and his insight that race, class, and gender intersect — and that those intersections have direct and meaningful impacts on personal identity and power — continues to resonate. Especially with regard to his analysis of labor relations and alienation, class struggles demonstrably continue.
You’re 71% through this paper. Sign up to read the remaining 1 section.
Sign Up Now — Instant Access Already a member? Log inAlways verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.