This paper presents an eleven-week ethnographic observation of a Young Republicans club at a college campus, analyzing the group's dynamics, norms, and cultural patterns. The study examines the club's political belief systems — including fiscal conservatism, military support, and opposition to affirmative action — alongside socioeconomic backgrounds, dress, and social behavior. The paper also explores group hierarchy, gender relations, racial composition, and interpersonal communication styles. Findings reveal a cohesive but internally divided group with a strong "us-versus-them" identity relative to the broader campus, informal yet structured social interactions, and a leadership hierarchy that shapes discussion and group activity.
The Young Republicans group meets every Thursday on campus and allows non-members to attend meetings. For the purposes of this study, I chose to analyze the group dynamics and patterns of this specific club. Although the club lists forty official members, the political club meetings usually contain fewer than twenty people. About seventy percent of the student members are Caucasian; the remainder are East Asian and African-American. Men typically outnumber women about three to one. The meetings are partly social in nature, with food and beverages served during a chat period, after which political issues are formally discussed.
A few members serve as group leaders — including a president and secretaries — who guide discussions and organize group activities outside of meetings. These activities include collective letter-writing and attendance at political rallies and lectures in the area. Generally, the club is semi-formal in nature with a distinct hierarchy, but it operates along democratic lines. Students interact with each other on a casual basis, though there is considerable individual difference in behavior and social interaction: some members do not interact on a social or personal level and instead keep their interactions focused on the political functions of the group.
Upon initial observation of the first two meetings, there appeared to be no behavioral expectations or rules. However, over the course of the eleven weeks during which I observed the group, some basic expectations and social norms emerged. Because the Young Republicans are an overtly political group, salient cultural elements include political, social, and economic belief systems; gender relationships; and race relations. Furthermore, the group holds distinct beliefs about its cohesiveness relative to the broader campus, which tends to be generally unreceptive or outright unfriendly toward their political views.
Political belief systems are the most significant aspect of this ethnography. The Young Republicans are fundamentally in favor of the American Republican Party, known as the Grand Old Party (GOP). However, the divisiveness among Republicans on a national level is reflected within the college campus club as well. Group members hold conservative political beliefs, including unabashed support for the American military and for American world dominance, the preservation of Second Amendment rights, and pro-life politics, among others.
The economic policy beliefs of the Young Republicans are also notably conservative. All members favor a fiscal policy based on low taxes, privatization of resources, and the reduction of publicly funded social services such as welfare. The group does not frequently discuss environmental issues, and when they do, the topic is treated as a "liberal" laughing matter. One contentious issue addressed in club meetings is affirmative action. Most members strongly oppose affirmative action on college campuses, while minority students in the group favor a more moderate approach. Even so, the minority members officially consider themselves opposed to affirmative action recruitment and hiring policies.
The members of the Young Republicans club come from upper-middle-class or wealthy backgrounds. A few members report that their parents were not well off and that they had to fund their education personally through loans and part-time jobs. Group members dress in a generally conservative fashion. None stand out by adopting a unique personal style, though a few have body piercings or small tattoos. The prevailing style of dress could be described as "preppy-conservative." This uniformity creates a sense of group conformity and unity among members.
Regardless of their family's financial situation, all members agree on tax cuts and minimal social services on a broad scale. Most, if not all, openly support the privatization of public utilities and services. Business is a key topic at many Young Republican meetings, as a number of members are aspiring entrepreneurs. Economic policy is a frequent subject of group discussions. According to the group, the government's budget should be directed primarily toward military campaigns. Although some group members do not support the Bush administration, most favor its foreign and domestic policy in general. Those who disagree are treated with a somewhat condescending tone; their views are debated, but because dissenters are outnumbered, they rarely gain the floor during open discussions.
"Informal socializing, body language, and casual norms"
"Debate styles, homosexuality debate, and gender equality"
"President's leadership style and peer pressure dynamics"
The ethnographic research performed for this study yielded pertinent information about the group dynamics of a politically motivated campus club. As part of a large national organization, the Young Republicans have a strong sense of group identity and cohesiveness. There is a distinct "us-versus-them" mentality: many of the Young Republicans feel outnumbered by liberal-minded students on campus, and a sense of camaraderie develops from this perceived group isolation. On several occasions I overheard members speaking critically about their professors.
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