As time has gone on, the public has tired of politicians that do not do what they have promised, and filibustering is part of that.
Those who agree with filibustering feel that it is an important way for politicians to block bills they are very concerned about or that they believe would be seriously harmful to the public. There is no argument that protecting the public is what politicians really should be doing, but the problem lies in the opinion of the politicians and whether they are actually doing what is right for the public, or what they think is right for the public. In other words, how is their level of objectivity when it comes to the bills they filibuster? Are they really deeply concerned about the public, or are they only focused on the level of control they have and what they think is correct? Those are questions that are very important to consider, and they are the same kinds of questions that are asked by those who do not believe filibustering is a good idea. The idea behind a filibuster is to prevent the passage of bad legislation, but it also prevents "good" legislation from getting through if even one politician has a very strong opinion and stance against it (Binder & Smith, 1996). Because that is the case, there is a serious lack of checks and balances used when filibustering is allowed. Stopping politicians from having the right to filibuster may allow some legislation to get through that some politicians do not like, but it would also keep the process of passing bills and making laws moving forward, which allows society and its laws to grow and develop.
In short, a filibuster comes out of the desire...
The ultimate House vote was two hundred and twenty to two hundred and seven. The senate vote was fifty three to forty three. The republicans were collectively opposed in both chambers (3 June 2010, B3). The Future of the Health Care Bill Subsequent to disagreements as political enemies for more than a year, the Obama administration and the health insurance industry realized that they require one another. Both have huge stakes in
validity, and for school administrators Goldstein's points should be discussed and debated. Goldstein suggests that without violating students' privacy rights, instructors / teachers nationwide need to be far more alert to weirdness, aggressiveness, "creepiness," Nazi-related hatefulness, "Fierce racism" and homophobia. Students that have obsessive video game habits -- with a daily dose of violent games like "Grand Theft Auto" -- are potentially antisocial individuals that need to be watched (Whiteman,
C. By Michael Shively (June, 2005), the first hate crime laws were enacted during the sixties, seventies, and eighties. The first states to pass hate crime legislation were Oregon and Washington in 1981. The first federal hate crime legislation, Shively explains, was debated in 1985, and the first federal statute related to hate crimes was the Hate Crimes Statistics Act, passed in 1990. Subsequent to that Act, other pieces of
propositions that pertain to the policy-making process. After that, these propositions are to be tested. The author of this response will offer these three propositions, and the rationale behind them, one by one. The first proposition is that policy-making should be based less on simply facets of compassions and "fairness" and more on the results that would be garnered. A lot of people, for example, say that welfare was
To understand the spirit of the Reconstruction crisis, one must understand the reality of the civil war, recognize that the generation of Americans caught up in the web of Reconstruction actually lived, actually confronted a situation, today totally alien to us, where countrymen killed countrymen, where political power involved more than the simple control of administration. (Benedict, 1973, p. 1) Americans were ill equipped to cope with the problem effectively.
Article Critique Specifically, the first possible explanation for Reid's stunning reversal is simply that he fears losing the ability to filibuster Republican legislation in the event of a future republican majority in the Senate more than he cares about restoring functionality to the bicameral U.S. Congress. His reasoning would be that if the republicans gain control of the Senate in the upcoming mid-term Congressional elections, a Democratic minority would need to
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