Deeds Not Words: Emotional Appeals and Argumentation Theory in the Suffragette Movement

The Women's Movement and the Right to Vote in England
Who Led the Suffragettes in England in the 20th Century
Introduction
After release from prison for militant suffragette activities (breaking windows, burning buildings), Christabel Pankhurst gave England to know that she was in no way mollified or subdued. Her recording of a speech asserting that now is the time for women to have the right to vote was made and disseminated and will serve as the text for analysis in this paper. The women’s suffragette movement of the early 20th century was pivotal in signaling a change in the political tide; it ushered in a new era for women’s rights, representation and social and political status. It set the wheels in motion for the subsequent waves of feminism and woman’s empowerment that swept across the Atlantic to the US. The movement was helmed and steered by a group of women who understood that their rights would be hard-earned, and amongst them was Christabel Pankhurst, the daughter of Emmeline Pankhurst, the founder of the Women’s Social and Political Union and a leading figure in the British women’s suffrage movement. Upon being released from Holloway Prison in 1908, she recorded a speech as a press release for the followers of the movement. Apart from being a rare instance, at that time, of recorded speech, the text itself was a departure from her usual ‘the Queen of the Mob’ style of inflammatory language. The speech was conciliatory; a call to join for women seeking their due rights and at the same time a measured argument against, and targeted rebranding of, the then popular image of the suffragettes as ‘mad extremists.’ This essay will explore how Pankhurst’s speech functioned as an early example of Toulmin’s Practical Model of Argument, by examining how the structure of Pankhurst’s speech aligns with Toulmin’s model. Next, Burkean identification theory will be applied to show how identification of one party with another served as a process technique applied in the speech to persuade the audience to join forces with the militant suffragette movement that had, up till then, appeared unruly and rambunctious. Finally, this paper will use Goffman’s framing theory to explain how the medium of the message affected the way audiences processed the message.
The Toulmin Model
In his book, ‘The Uses of Argument,’ Stephen Toulmin comes up with a basic model of argumentation that graphically maps out how an argument can flow functionally in order to achieve the greatest persuasive impact; by prioritizing reason as the crux of the argument and making it evident and easily identifiable through the natural progression of the argument, and by backing your warrant, or the justification for your claim, exceptionally well. His theory for practical argument borrowed from the mathematical style of logic first introduced by Aristotle, but was supplemented by his focus on the justificatory function of argument, as opposed to the inferential function of theoretical arguments (Toulmin). Christabel Pankhurst’s speech is a prime example of rhetoric that follows Toulmin’s model, as it first finds and identifies a claim of interest, that is, that women deserve the right to vote, and then provides justification for this claim using a set of reasoned arguments, evidence, and backing.
The Toulmin model typically utilizes six steps to produce an effective argument: first is the statement of the argument, i.e., the claim that is made; second are the grounds upon which the argument is based, i.e., the evidence; third comes the warrant, which consists of the assumption that relates the evidence to the claim; fourth is the qualifier, which alerts the audience of the instances in which the claim might not always be true; fifth is the rebuttal, i.e., the acknowledgement of an alternative point of view; and sixth is the backing, which provides support to the warrant and justifies its existence (Toulmin). To recap, the warrant connects the grounds to the claim. Essentially it is a kind of syllogism in which a conclusion is reached based on two premises. For instance, the claim may be that a storm is coming; the grounds for the claim are that the wind is howling and dark clouds are fast approaching. The warrant (the underlying assumption) is that storms often occur when dark clouds and wind arrive. Thus, the claim is linked to evidence by way of an underlying assumption or understanding of what the evidence means. This model will be applied shortly to the text of Pankhurst’s speech. But, first, the Burkean identification theory will be examined to show how one can influence or persuade by using identity politics.
Burkean Identification Theory
Kenneth Burke in his work A Rhetoric of Motives focuses attention on how identity is actually more important than persuasive rhetoric. In this sense, a speaker who seeks to win over an audience need to present a reason for that audience to identify with the group that the speaker wants the audience to join or support. The key concept here is identification. Identification fosters unity and unity fosters cohesion. Persuasive devices, such as argumentative words, phrases and images, have their place in traditional rhetoric but in Burke’s theory the use of identity is much more influential in capturing the imagination of the audience and spurring that audience on to action. Identity politics is thus here viewed as an important element in argument: Kim et al. show distinctly that political identity has a great deal of social influence. Altman notes that those who attack identity politics as a symptom of political correctness tend to be under the mistaken assumption that equality is apparent and available to all. The assumption of Altman and of Pankhurst is that equality is non-existent. Thus, there is a need to identify one’s group as oppressed and the call is put out to all who feel oppressed to unite in an effort to confront the repressor. By identifying oneself with a group, it gives greater weight to one’s message (Smith).
Identifying oneself in terms of a group or movement also gives added weight to one’s own individual desires and ambitions. It is not the ideal of a single person but rather the ideal of a movement, a body of people, an entire nation, or an entire sex as the case may be. The audience can thus see the group or movement as a way of giving a sense of identity to its own self as well. People who might feel that they lack a sense of self can look to the group and see something for which they stand or in which they believe. It provides a sense of value, meaning, self-worth and ambition. It gives direction, immediacy, purpose and solves a certain existential hole if one exists (Laible et al).
Goffman’s Framing Theory
Goffman’s framing theory posits that how a message is communicated to an audience influences the way the audience processes that message. It is similar to McLuhan’s maxim that the “medium is the message” (4). What message was sent by communicating to the audience using the recording—still quite a rare medium in those days? The message was that here is a communication that is so important it cannot be shared just once in public in a speech, nor can it be merely printed: it must be heard by all in all places and saved for posterity because it is such an important moment; it must be preserved, recorded, and played back again and again. The recording was a way to increase the value of Pankhurst’s words, a way to engrave them in stone the way the 10 Commandments were. The act of preserving the voice of Pankhurst lent her words more immediacy and weight than would have been the case had the speech simply been relayed once to an audience and then printed or summarized in a newspaper. Recording the speech was bold and daring—something new that had not often been done before. According to Goffman’s framing theory, it would enable the audience to approach the message and its content with more gravitas, considering how important this message must be since it was recorded and presented in such an impressive way. The medium being partly the message, the content was thus processed in a manner that compelled audiences to consider the words more deeply and more carefully. It was a propaganda technique that allowed Pankhurst to sensationalize the moment and heighten the intended effect.
Application
Pankhurst’s speech is quite brief and to the point. For a leader of the suffragettes, known for their inflammatory rhetoric, the speech is relatively calm, straight-forward and devoid of bathos. It begins by asserting the purpose of the militant suffrage movement, which is to win the vote for England’s womankind (Pankhurst). The basis for this purpose is then explained: taxation and representation go hand in hand in Britain, and yet women pay taxes but have no legal recourse to representation since they cannot vote. Women are inclined to have opinions on matters touched upon by Parliament, such as education, housing and employment and thus women should have a say in the matter. The appeal is then made to “every patriotic and public spirited woman wishes to take part in controlling the actions of our legislators” (Pankhurst). Pankhurst then points out the hypocrisy of a progressive democratic government that refuses to grant women the right to vote. She states that protests will continue so long as repressive measures are pursued by the government and that women will gladly serve jail time in order to achieve their aim. She urges the women of England to rally together and unite in this movement before the next election arrives so as not to lose any time. This is the essence and substance of the speech.
Toulmin’s Model Applied
The claim made in Pankhurst’s speech is that women should have the right to vote. This claim is made immediately the speech begins. No time is wasted with regards to telling the audience what the argument is that is to be made. The claim is directly and quickly stated. The evidence or grounds upon which this claim rests is that women pay taxes. It follows immediately upon the claim, and thus the speech aligns perfectly well with the Toulmin model. The assumption connecting the grounds to the claim is the warrant, which is that all who pay taxes have the right to vote. The warrant is communicated explicitly and the assumption is not only noted but stated. Again, here, the speech is fully in accordance with the Toulmin model.
Where the speech deviates is with the use of qualifiers. The use of a qualifier does not appear in Pankhurst’s speech; but this should be considered as a weakness because it does not take away from the speech’s power at all. It is fitting that she should not admit of qualifications as her stance and position is one in which there can be no alternative point of view. Additionally, she is known for a militant stance, so it would not be consistent with her own platform to admit of qualifications. Since her speech is about how a woman has the right to vote in a democratic society and how there can be no instances in which that might be untrue, there is no use of qualifiers. The rebuttal to an alternative point of view is also not given since no alternative point of view or argument against the women’s movement is given. The speech does return to the Toulmin model, however, with the step of backing. The backing that is provided arrives in the form of urgency, i.e., an election is fast approaching and it will be a long wait for suffrage if women do not act quickly and seize the day. This is how a Toulmin model reading of the Pankhurst speech might be applied to the text itself.
Burkean Identification Theory Applied
In constructing her speech to be relatable to the alienated and disgruntled group of women vying for their own right to freedom, Pankhurst makes abundant use of identification within Burkean rhetoric as a persuasive tool to highlight the similarities and shared struggle between the speaker and the audience, and appeal to these unifying factors. It is an effective way to bond with her audience. She sets aside the emotional appeals of earlier speeches and focuses on the logic of her position. She then crosses the barrier of difference and holds the hand out to all women to support the cause in the name of democracy and equality.
However, Pankhurst has to appeal not just to other suffragettes but also to the mass of women who might not consider themselves as part of that movement. The tone of the speech works to help neutralize any association with radicalism. The terms used in the speech instead associate the speaker with progressivism, democracy, equality and more positive, favorable expressions of social justice. Topics that are of concern to women, such as education, housing and employment are referenced. Thus, the speaker attempts to identify the cause with causes that are important to all women. The appeal to all women is an appeal to an identity that bonds and unifies. Why would a woman resist the call? The attempt, of course, is not made because the speaker wants to relate in a general way. The speaker seeks to animate so as to give purpose to women in the audience who might not have seen any sense in identifying oneself as a progressive or as a suffragette. Here, the speech highlights the reasons for joining the movement and gives weight to the suffragette identity as something important, immediate, and serious. There is also a sense of courage and danger involved, as the speech refers to being imprisoned for one’s beliefs. Thus, there is also attached to it a sense of the martyr identity—the persecuted people identity that often serves as a rallying spirit.
Goffman’s Framing Theory Applied
In terms of framing theory, the medium of the message is important to consider because it is how the content is conveyed and that delivery carries a meaning outside of the content itself. The voice recording symbolizes a technological advancement at the beginning of the 20th century. Nothing of its kind has really been seen before. As the message itself is progressive, the medium by which that message is conveyed supports the progressive principle underlying the message. The platform upon which the message is conveyed is technologically a breakthrough in itself and thus serves to give weight to the communication. The implication is that the suffragettes are on the right side of history as they represent the unstoppable force of progress. The message the medium conveys is that they will win in the end because there is no stopping progress. Once the advance has been made, it cannot be put back.
Were this speech not recorded it would have packed less punch. The medium would have been merely the printed word, which does not convey any sense of urgency or authority. The voice recording, however, is special. It announces itself on its own terms. It sets the terms by which it must be heard because it is so unique. One must have access to the technology in order to hear it; thus, the framing of the speech is perhaps aimed to attract the attention of the upper class of women most likely to have access to that technology. Since this class of women is also most likely to have the most influence in society, it is perfectly understandable why this approach to communication should be used. If the suffragettes are going to impact English society they must get the attention and win the favor of the upper classes—and what better way to do that than to appeal directly to them in a subtle way that does not convey any overt gestures? The framing is done in accordance with the mission of the message.
Conclusion: Lessons Learned
The use of the medium of recording did not lead to immediate action on the part of England’s leaders. It would not be until 1928 that the Equal Franchise Act of 1928 would be passed. However, a decade earlier in 1918, the Parliament Qualification of Women Act had been passed which did allow women to serve as members of Parliament. This Act was likely passed in an attempt to mollify the suffragettes by allowing them “representation” in Parliament—but the women’s movement wanted the right to vote, not just figureheads in government. Still, it would be nearly 20 years after Pankhurst’s recording before the vote would be won. Thus, measuring the immediate effects of the text and its medium in terms of the time passed between the delivery and the achievement of the goal suggests that in the scheme of things the recording was not such a pivotal moment in history as the immediate, sensational effect of the thing would have it seem. Like most propaganda, the effect can be hot and quick, but the iron must be struck while it is hot—and if there is no political action or movement taken the effect of the propaganda is lost. With the rise of a new medium, the various propaganda forces at work could more easily set about initiating their own claims and warrants, putting out their own messages, and moving the public in one way or another. Pankhurst was not the only one to utilize the recorded voice to invoke unity and solidarity. What she did of course set a precedent for women in the movement—but much more is often required to effect political change than a piece of propaganda can do. That work took two decades to achieve its effect, and it is as worthy of study and analysis as any communication medium issued by Pankhurst: for a complete understanding of how communication, messaging, media and politics intertwine, a deeper understanding of the entire suffragette movement up to 1928 is needed.
Nonetheless, the lesson learned from Pankhurst’s recording is that rhetoric, fashioned in a way so as to make a claim, support it with reason, and set it before one’s audience in a logical manner, is a good way to win enthusiasm and support for an idea. Prior to the recording Pankhurst had best been known for her Queen of the Mob style of rhetoric. Here, her words were temperate, moderated, and focused on logic and reason rather than passion. She set in voice recording the basic argument for her position and that of the women’s movement. Even though it would be two decades before her movement would realize its goal, her words were here set down to serve as a line in the sand and a call for all women in England to come and stand on that side of the line where she and the other suffragettes stood.
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