As a result, liberal international institutions broke down. Conversely, ineffective international institutions compounded national economic difficulties. (Holm & Sorensen, 1995, p. 148)
Following World War II, the United States assumed a leadership role in developing new types of international institutions. For example, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) provided for a liberalization of international trade, the Bretton Woods framework created a fixed exchange-rate system (which lasted until 1971), and the International Monetary Fund controlled the flow of credits until the mid- 1970s and once again from the early 1980s thereafter; in addition, these authors note that the EEC institutionalized a free-trade area in the heart of Western Europe at this time (Holm & Sorensen, 1995). According to Mingst (2006) international institutions are defined as those they are comprised of membership from at least three states, having activities in several states, and whose members are held together by a formal agreement. A coordinating body for international institutions, the Union of International Associations, currently distinguishes between the more than 250 international governmental organizations (IGOs) that have been created by intergovernmental agreements and whose members are states, and the approximately 6,000 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), whose members are associations or individuals (Mingst, 2006). This author points out that, "IGOs range in size from three members to more than 185 (e.g., the United Nations [UN]), and their geographic representation varies from one world region (e.g., the Organization of American States) to all regions (e.g., the International Monetary Fund)" (Mingst, 2006, p. 3). While some types of international institutions were created to achieve a single purpose (e.g., the World Intellectual Property Organization), still others have been established to address a wide range of responsibilities (e.g., the North Atlantic Treaty Organization) (Mingst, 2006).
Furthermore, in recent years, the United States and other countries have witnessed an enormous amount of new international institutions and regulations that are designed to regulate the operations of companies on the Internet; indeed, local and federal governmental institutions (legislatures, regulatory agencies, and courts within and across countries), as well as many national and international non-governmental bodies, are administering current laws as well as implementing new Internet-specific regulations (Jarvenpaa, Tiller & Simons, 2003). For example:
The U.S. Congress has passed Internet laws protecting children (Children's Online Protection Act);
California and other states have passed laws limiting online e-mail advertising know as "spam";
U.S. courts have invoked traditional trademark infringement and trespassing laws to protect incumbent companies from domain name "cybersquatters" and electronic trespassers; and,
The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), a non-governmental body, has established global policy on domain name disputes; and the International Electronic Task Force (IETF) has set international technology standards affecting Internet access issues (Jarvenpaa et al., 2003).
These international institutions, though, have in many cases been allowed to deteriorate from a lack of commitment and funding from the sponsoring nations, and new models to assume their responsibilities have not been forthcoming. For example, in his essay, "The Buck Stops Everywhere," Burke (1997) makes the point that, "The world already has an environmental organisation: the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), based in Nairobi. Admittedly it has been allowed to fall into disrepair under a corrosive combination of weak leadership and slashed income from governments. It is a perverse outcome of the first Earth Summit that the world has weaker institutions for handling global environmental problems than it had before" (p. 14). Therefore, today, both domestic and international regulatory agencies that must embrace the dynamic online environment are confronted with a broad range of control activities, including legally binding rules coming from governmental institutions as well as technical standards for digital behavior coming from non-governmental and international organizations, or from the businesses themselves. In this regard, Jarvenpaa and his colleagues report that, "Technology standards that enable the web to operate are the most pervasive form of Internet regulation. Any actor that affects the architecture is acting as a regulatory agent on the Internet" (Jarvenpaa et al., 2003, p. 72). Furthermore, these various social, economic, and technical regulations that are becoming commonplace have the capacity to fundamentally affect how companies compete on the Internet, including how they store, protect, share, and commercialize their digital data both internally and externally (Jarvenpaa et al., 2003).
From a public choice perspective, a supply-and-demand-based exchange model of business and regulatory institutions where regulators are seen as suppliers of regulations for incumbent businesses who "buy" those regulations...
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