Hidden meanings and cultural transmission through myths and fairy tales

Storytelling Review of Literature

For hundreds of years, stories have been used to teach children about morality and ethics. Indeed, many of the same myths, legends and fairy tales have been handed down from generation to generation, remaining largely intact.

However, these myths also contain hidden meanings that illuminate the cultural or historical aspects of their origin.

The first part of this paper studies the literature examining hidden meanings, cultural norms and morals that are embedded in myths and fairy tales.

The second part of the paper looks at how these meanings and cultural norms get imbued and reproduced in the minds of their audience - primarily children.

Aside from serving as a vehicle for reproducing cultural norms, this paper looks at the psychological and social uses of storytelling. In the third part, this paper looks at how psychologists like Bruno Bettelheim maintain that storytelling can serve a therapeutic value for the individual. Finally, the paper studies literature concerning how myths also serve an ideological purpose and, through critical appropriation, how these stories could also have a subversive value.

Cultural Meanings

Theoretical Studies

Since this paper examines the transmission of cultural norms through stories, it becomes necessary to define what constitutes "culture" itself. In The Silent Language, Edward Hall (1973) defines culture as "the way of life of a people, for the sum of their learned behavior patterns, attitudes and material things" (20). As such, culture encompasses a wide body of a people's practices, behavior and beliefs. Furthermore, Hall maintains that though individual cultures may vary through time, people search for stability and continuity by locating parts of culture that remain constant. This is done through "identifying a common particule or element that can be found in every aspect of culture" (20).

One aspect common to all cultures is the aspect of mythology. In The Power of Myth, Joseph Campbell (1988) defines a myth as "stories about gods" (22). These stories, however, serve two distinct functions. Myths serve to explain natural phenomena and help people to locate their place within the natural order. Myths also serve a sociological purpose, by linking a person to a particular social group.

In Myth and Meaning, anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (1979) believes that as the world undergoes rapid technological change, myths are no longer needed to explain natural phenomena. After all, modern science has served to colonize many aspects of human life, and many things that our ancestors had found mysterious and unknowable had been de-mystified and explained.

However, Levi-Strauss argues that not all explanations can be reduced to their smallest particles, the same way a piece of music is not reducible to its separate notes. In culture, the meanings are not necessarily linear or sequential. In addition to science, Levi-Strauss suggests that all cultures possess the same essential sophistication of thought. A culture's myths hide perceptions that are no longer needed by modern society or individuals. For example, most human societies no longer explain thunder as a result of the actions of gods.

However, myths get passed on, largely because they continue to hold meanings. Though these perceptions may no longer explain natural phenomena, Levi-Strauss argues that they could still be read as explanations of cultural phenomena.

Case Studies

Jack Zipes is the foremost authority on the social and cultural meanings of stories and fairy tales. Through an approach heavily influenced by Marxism, the Frankfurt School and Walter Benjamin, Zipes has written several works that tease out the social-cultural content of European fairy tales.

In The Brothers Grimm: From Enchanted Forests to the Modern World, Zipes (1988) examines the social conditions that served as a backdrop to the Grimms' stories. The early chapters focus on the lives of the brothers Grimm and the culture in which the original storytellers grew up. These biographies serve to illuminate aspects of their tales that may seem peculiar, such as a girl chosen over her brothers to be heir to the family's wealth.

Through this collection of essays, Zipes (1988) illustrates how fairy tales are, in a large part, shaped by society. To understand the tales, Zipes provides a guidebook through the enchanted forests of their creation.

In another example, Stanley Rosenman (2000) examines the social roots of the Pied Piper fable in his journal article "The Pied Piper of Hamelin: Folklore encounters malevolent cults." Rosenman traces the Pied Piper back to the medieval fairy age and suggests several social reasons for the story's dark resolution.

Rosenman looks at the various historical circumstances that may have contributed to the story.

For example, in 1212, during the Inquisition, thousands of children were taken from the Byzantine Empire and never returned. The Black Death spread through Europe from the mid-13th century, resulting in a plague that killed half of Europe's population. Since labor in the grain and milling center of Hamelin became scarce during this time of death, many members of the nobility sought youngsters as workers by falsely promising good wages and a better life.

However, Rosenman believes that the foundation of the Pied Piper lies in the society's "mesh of self mutilating behavior (and) merciless childrearing." The middle ages, after all, saw the treatment of children in ways that would be considered brutal in any culture. Infanticide was common and children were often sold as slaves or used as hostages to pay debts. Rosenman sees that "in the creation of...the Pied Piper of Hamelin, folk wisdom tried to confront the torquing of psyches from the maltreatment of children that was in fashion during the 13th and 14th centuries in Europe."

Feminist theorists have looked at how these fairy tales expose cultural norms regarding patriarchy. In their study of classical fairy tales like Cinderella, Jerilyn Fisher and Ellen S. Silber (2000) conclude that these stories "recount true female experience under patriarchy, a world in which innocent young women are set against their sisters and mothers in rivalry for the affection of males."

More recent fairy tales or children's stories also reflect prevailing cultural norms regarding race. In her study of the 1920s Brownies' Book series, Fern Kory (2001) exposes the racial undertones of new children's fiction in the early part of the 20th century. Kory observes that the prevailing children's fiction enforced racist assumptions through non-existent African-American children and adults. When presented, African-Americans were stereotyped as the "dark cooks" or the "colored workers." The more overt forms of racism include the practice of spelling "Negro" with a lower-case n and through the strategic use of estranging dialect.

In summary, these studies have shown that in addition to overt moral lessons, myths and fairy tales also contain hidden meanings. Campbell (1988) and Levi-Strauss (1977) both believe that many of these meanings are cultural and social, and that the social constructions of myths are a cross-cultural constant. In a few case studies, Zipes (1988) and Rosenman (2000) tease out the social events and practices that underlie the construction of many fairy tales. Fisher and Silber (2000) and Kory (2001) contribute to the field by illustrating the patriarchal and racial assumptions that are embedded in classical and modern children's tales.

Transmission of Cultural Norms

In addition to the identification of these cultural norms, many studies have been done to see how these ideas are transmitted to their main audience - children.

Elizabeth Yeoman (1999) finds many examples of how dominant discourses get imposed on the minds of children. For example, when asked to draw a princess, a young girl with dark skin drew a figure with yellow hair. When asked to explain, the girl said "Well, (the princess) was good, so I wanted to make her pretty."

Despite the proliferation of alternative images in children's literature and other media, Yeoman observes, "white images of goodness and beauty are still vastly more pervasive." Among other factors, Yeoman cites storylines and exaggerated images in Disney cartoons that serve to reproduce racism (Yeoman 1999).

In addition to racial stereotypes, the Yeoman study also identified several ways in which classical fairy tales provoke a gendered response.

For example, she found that the girls favored "upside down" fairy tales with independent heroines while the boys preferred more traditional male heroes. Yeoman believes that the girls' preferences were due to their greater familiarity with "alternative gender images." The difference lies in the boys' and girls' different need to identify with a hero/heroine of the same sex. The girls therefore tended to identify with the independent heroines while the boys did not. In addition, the boys did not align themselves with the weak and silly princes typical of this genre. Yeoman concludes that there is a need for more engaging alternative heroes for boys and that a more in-depth study of children's engagement with heroes and heroines would enrich our understanding of this complex area.

Not every psychologist, however, subscribes to role socialization theory. Bruno Bettelheim (1989), for example, insists that in the story of Rapunzel, there is no reason why a boy should necessarily identify with the prince over the imprisoned Rapunzel. He writes, "a fairy tale - because it addresses itself in the most imaginative form to essential human problems, and does so in an indirect way - can have much to offer to a little boy even if the story's heroine is an adolescent girl" (17).

This conclusion, however, is countered studies. These include research done outside the purview of feminism. Psychologist Richard Meth (1990), for instance, writes as young as three or four years old are able to select toys and games that are considered masculine. In contrast, girls the same age had a less rigid sense of what was considered appropriate masculine and feminine behavior.

However, it should be noted that the power of these myths and fairy tales to communicate cultural norms is also mitigated by the storyteller's motives. In their study differences among storytellers, Monisha Pasupathi, Laura Carstensen and Risha M. Henry (2002) found that age and ethnicity are associated with individuals' motivations for emotional regulation and social interaction. Furthermore, these age and ethnicity-related motives would be reflected in storytelling. The study observed storytellers from two age groups (young adult and old age) and two ethnic groups (African-American and European-American) as they told stories to young girls. The stories were then coded for emotional, relational, and socialization focus. The results showed that older adults selectively emphasize positive over negative emotions and directed more dialogue toward their interaction with their listener. In addition, the African-American group of storytellers was more likely to emphasize socialization themes.

In summary, there are differing conclusions regarding the socializing effect of fairy tales and stories on young children. Bettelheim (1989) believes that children do not have to be limited by the gender subtext when finding role models or characters to identify with in fairy tales.

Bettelheim's conclusion, however, is contradicted by several more recent studies that look at the socializing role of such stories on a child's gender and racial beliefs. Meth (1990) found that this socialization affects boys stronger and earlier in age, resulting in more rigid definitions of masculinity. Yeoman (1999) maintains that the gender and racial subtexts of these stories become embedded in a child's mind through unconscious socialization.

However, Pasupathi, Cartensen and Henry (2002) warn against the tendency to generalize, since much of the socialization also depends on the storytellers themselves, whose motives are greatly influenced by race, age and ethnicity.

Fairy Tales as Ideology

These above-mentioned studies, however, do not address another underlying aspect of most children's literature. As cultural products themselves, these stories reflect prevailing cultural norms. In the process, they also transmit these norms to the next generation of children. Thus, in addition to merely reflecting dominant society, these stories also play an active role in maintaining and reproducing dominant social structures and beliefs.

In his book Happily Ever After: Fairy tales, children and the culture industry Jack Zipes (1998) tackles the social role of fairy tales. For Zipes, fairy tales have a larger purpose than merely contributing to the individual well being of one child. Instead, Zipes locates the fairy tale in the realm of Theodor Adorno's concept of the "culture industry," where the products of culture no longer serve aesthetic or intellectual functions. Instead, these products of mass culture simply reinforce and reproduce the prevailing economic and social order.

In modern day capitalism, this translates to the Disney Company's role as the predominant purveyor of fairy tales in modern Western and, increasingly, global culture. Zipes (1998) avoids painting Disney as intentionally evil. However, he is critical of Disney's role in using fairy tales to socialize children to become avid consumers. In other words, enjoying the story of "The Lion King" means much more than enjoying the Simba's personal growth and his journey to become king. Instead, children are encouraged, quite successfully, to buy all the figurines from Burger King and all the movie-related articles from the Disney Store.

Following Zipes' socio-historical approach, Justyna Desczc (2002) examines the contemporary status of the fairy tale and its relation to the culture industry. Desczc observes that despite the presence of other media and recreation choices, fairy tales, albeit in a repackaged form, remain popular. After all, fairy tales are an undemanding diversion from everyday life and, because of the hegemonic status of the company, comparable to a visit to Disneyland.

However, Desczc agrees with Zipes that these commodified fairy tales do not leave room for free thought. Instead, repackaged versions of "The Little Mermaid" and "Mulan" serve to reinforce their consumer status and -- in contrast to Bettelheim's conclusions -- are actually designed to reinforce their consumerist status rather than to address them as individuals.

Most of the "Disneyfied" stories are sanitized versions of their original tales. The lead characters in "The Little Mermaid," for example do not die and live happily ever after. Feminist analyses of Snow White and Sleeping Beauty have already exposed how -- despite the many variations of these tales around the world, the Disney versions are based on the princesses' ability to save themselves through their beauty, by attracting a prince savior. Even the feminist Mulan falls under the spell of a happy ending which, in Disney parlance, translates to a successful marriage.

Despite the significant worldwide variations of tales like Cinderella, Snow White and Mulan, the Disney interpretations have generally become the standardized version. The danger, Desczc (2002) writes, is that these sanitized and consumerist re-interpretations form the basis where "people can perceive themselves as members of one united community that shares norms and values, and cherishes the same concept of happiness."

In summary, myths and fairy tales also serve social as well as personal/individual functions. Zipes (1998) believes that through its movies, Disney has achieved the status of the world's leading storyteller. Their dominance in the field of storytelling have all but wiped out other versions of classic fairy tales like "Cinderella" and "The Little Mermaid." This places fairy tales in a position to affect much more than an individual child's psyche, well being or attitudes towards gender or race. By making children into consumers, the Disneyfied versions of these fairy tales also serve to maintain the existing social and economic (capitalist) structures.

Desczc's (2002) study on the contemporary status of fairy tales supports Zipes' conclusions. The fairy tale itself is part of a cultural institution. Instead of being just individual stories, these myths and fairy tales exist within a larger socio-economic framework of production, distribution and reception. In addition, fairy tales fulfill specific functions, such as "the preservation of the cultural heritage of a given country" (Desczc 2002).

Critical Appropriations

Studies have already illustrated the role of fairy tales and myths in reproducing gender and racial stereotypes, as well maintaining economic and social structures. However, despite the current dominance of many Disneyfied fairy tales, many researchers continue to believe in the powerful role these stories can have in challenging and subverting prevailing norms.

In the second part of her study on Disney, for example, Desczc (2002) believes there is much room to create texts challenging canonical works and interpretations. As an example, she cites the Angela Carter's short story "In Pantoland," in which the carnivalized character of Pantoland emerges as a parody of Disneyworld. In this example, characterization is highly stereotypical, but the sex roles of key characters are reversed. The role of "Principal Boy" (Prince Charming or Jack, for example) is played by a girl. The "Dame" (Cinderella's stepmother or Jack's mother) is played by a man. Instead of being hidden, the clashing sex roles are emphasized and highlighted throughout the story.

Even Zipes, who laments the current state of Disney fairy tales, finds hope in the alternative fairy tales programs of Shelley Duvall and the late Jim Henson. In contrasting Disney's "The Lion King" to Henson's "The Frog Prince," Zipes (1998) notes that Henson's work emphasizes friendship and family more than upholding power structures.

In Fairy Tales and the Art of Subversion, Zipes (1983) urges the consumers of fairy tales to liberate themselves from the "contrived and programmed mode of literary reception." Zipes praises alternative and "subversive" efforts, wherein new fairy tales that challenge "familiar perceptions cherished by readers" are being written. Though Zipes recognizes the difficulty of breaking away from prevailing (Disney) versions of myths and fairy tales, Zipes believes that the effort is necessary "so that (readers) could reflect on the negative aspects of anachronistic forms and perhaps transcend them" (Zipes 1983: 180).

Attempts to re-write and challenge the prevailing fairy tales, however, are not new. In the 1920s, Kory (2001) wrote about the Brownies' Books, a groundbreaking but short-lived children's magazine created to provide African-American children with alternative fairy tales that included, among others, "colored" fairies. The project was the brainchild of W.E.B. DuBois. These stories were written to subvert the subtle and overt racist messages that were being circulated in popular children's magazines during the 1920s. In addition, the Brownies' Books also gave African-American children fairy tale figures who served as alternatives to the stereotypical portrayals in white children's literary magazines.

Many feminist theorists who have studied the patriarchal and gendered subtexts of classic fairy tales have taken the next step - rewriting and re-imagining these stories for modern children. In her book Postmodern Fairy Tales: Gender and Narrative Strategies, Cristina Bacchilega (1999) studies the narrative strategies used to portray women in Snow White, Little Red Riding Hood, Beauty and the Beast and Bluebeard. After tracing the oral sources of the stories, Bacchilega then offers re-interpretations of contemporary versions of these stories, including works by Angela Carter, Robert Coover, Donald Barthelme and Margaret Atwood. Such texts would be appropriate in challenging what Zipes termed as the "familiar perceptions" among other children.

However, even younger children would benefit from being challenged regarding their dominant beliefs. For example, in a study of boys' and girls' conversations about traditional folk tales, Robin Mello (2001) finds that traditional stories still retain their power to "furnish students with a broader cultural lens in which to view the world." When students were presented with a variety of gender roles from disparate cultural texts, they begin to examine their own understanding of how to assign value to gender roles and gendered relationships. Mello finds that storytelling encourages students to "to deepen their ability to explore and analyze textual material."

Conclusion

In conclusion, fairy tales and myths serve much more than to provide young children with escapist fantasy. In older times, myths and stories were used to explain natural phenomena and to strengthen group ties.

Though science has largely de-mystified the natural world, myths and stories still continue to provide historical, psychological and sociological value. Close readings of the texts of fairy tales, for example, reveal the underlying socio-economic structures during which these tales were written and later revised. Identifying with the universal problems and emotions of the lead character also assists in the psychological health of children and even adults.

However, the greatest sociological role fulfilled by these stories lies in their insidious ability to reinforce and reproduce social norms. Currently, this translates to Disneyfied versions of classic fairy tales that serve to reinforce consumer culture as well as gender and racial stereotypes.

However, through critical appropriation, many authors have begun to retell and re-interpret these classic fairy tales, this time reflecting the prevailing social and cultural norms of the 21st century. The success of their efforts depends largely on how these alternative stories are disseminated and discussed, both in the media and in the classroom.