Cuban vs. U.S. High Schools: Education Under Communism

Introduction

Few issues are more important to individual and national success in the modern era than education. It is in the fields of science and technology that new wealth and opportunities are being created in the developed world, and there is no competitiveness without adequate knowledge in these areas. Many individuals can succeed outside these specific fields, of course, but if whole societies and nations are to prosper they must ensure the quality of their educational programs so that successive generations have the wherewithal to sustain growth and economic progress. To be truly effective and efficient, this education cannot be expected to take place only in institutions of higher education during adulthood; it must begin at an early age and extend through adolescence.

In addition to the economic and social dependence on adequate educational programs, there is also the intrinsic value of education that is broadly recognized across cultures. A comprehensive education in language, mathematics, literature, the sciences, and the arts is considered a necessity for a fully functioning member of most societies in the developed world. Even though not all students excel equally in each of these areas, it is through education and development that individuals find the ways they can best contribute to their communities. In this regard, high school education that provides a true foundation for critical learning is of paramount importance.

This emphasis on education — and the cultural as well as direct economic importance it carries — is not limited to any one culture or country. It is notable in most, if not all, countries in the developed world, as well as many countries in the developing world, despite uneven infrastructure to supply that education. Education is not approached in the same manner everywhere, and both the mode of instruction and the specific content of educational programs can vary widely. Language programs are one area of obvious difference across national borders, but perspectives on history and the pace and specifics of mathematics and science education can vary as well. Given increased globalization and the internationalization of business, these differences have been cited as obstacles to the full transfer of educational credentials and demonstrated knowledge levels across national borders.

There are, in fact, a great many similarities between educational programs even in countries with seemingly disparate cultures and societies — a reality that is often unrecognized by official as well as scholarly channels. The public education program generally, and the high school program specifically, in Cuba has long been heralded in the international community as a model for other nations of the Western Hemisphere, yet Cuban diplomas are not recognized by the United States and certain other allies. Despite having one of the most literate populations in the world and a successful education system by a host of other measures, Cuban education is met with apparent mistrust. An examination of the facts makes it clear that this mistrust is far more a matter of politics than of education.

A rational and objective comparison of high school programs in Cuba and the United States clearly demonstrates a high degree of similarity between the two in a variety of facets, including the quality of education provided and the range of educational opportunities available. This paper shows, through an examination of current research as well as statistics gathered and maintained by international third-party observers, that the Cuban educational system generally — and the high school program specifically — is highly comparable to the education offered by schools in the United States. The differences between the two systems will also be noted, but it will be clearly shown that these are outweighed by the similarities, and that there is no legitimate reason for Cuban diplomas to be withheld from international recognition.

U.S.–Cuban Relations: A Brief History

The historical relationship between the United States and Cuba — and indeed between Cuba and much of the world — is both more complex than it might initially appear and yet relatively straightforward in its present-day effects. This history is responsible for the political climate surrounding Cuba, and is therefore directly and solely responsible for the failure to recognize Cuban diplomas and credentials in the United States and other countries abroad. A brief exploration of Cuba's history in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, and its relationship with the United States, helps place this educational issue in its proper political context.

The Spanish-American War, fought as the nineteenth century drew to a close, marked the beginning of significant U.S.–Cuban relations. The United States was ceded all territories held by Spain under the terms of the 1898 peace treaty; this included Cuba as well as Puerto Rico, Guam, and other territories (Suddath, 2009). While Puerto Rico and Guam remain U.S. territories to this day, Cuba was granted near-immediate independence, with a few important caveats: the United States was permitted to intercede in Cuba's government if deemed necessary, and it was granted a permanent lease on the naval base established at Guantanamo Bay (Suddath, 2009; Franklin, 1997). That naval base remains in existence and operation despite the open hostility that has existed between Cuba and the United States, and has proven to be a broader source of tension in international relations rather than simply a bilateral matter (Suddath, 2009).

Over the next six decades, Cuba and the United States were significant trading partners. The much smaller island nation was especially dependent on U.S. investment and commerce to develop into an economically modern and prosperous country (Franklin, 1997). Several rebellions against the Cuban government were attempted and fairly easily suppressed with U.S. military assistance, until the U.S. backed Fidel Castro's bid to overthrow President General Fulgencio Batista in 1958 and 1959 (Franklin, 1997; Elliston, 1999). Castro's communist tendencies became increasingly clear as he consolidated power, and at the height of the Cold War this did not sit well with his American allies. From that point on, the two neighboring nations found themselves at a deadlock that has remained virtually unchanged since 1960.

This does not mean the situation has been stagnant. Kennedy's embargo on Cuba, first issued in 1962, still stands, and this shift in the bilateral relationship has caused major effects in Cuba over the half-century of its existence (Suddath, 2009). Given Cuba's dependency on American-made products and American investment, it is hardly surprising that the country experienced significant economic and social disruption following the imposition of the embargo (Suddath, 2009; Franklin, 1997). Food consumption fell alongside the drop in non-essential goods, and the Cuban economy all but ground to a halt for an extended period (Franklin, 1997).

The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 is one of the defining moments in this adversarial history. On the heels of several CIA-backed attempts on Fidel Castro's life — including the infamous Bay of Pigs operation — Castro agreed to allow the Soviet Union to construct missile bases on Cuban soil, within easy and rapid striking distance of the U.S. East Coast (Franklin, 1997). When the Kennedy administration learned of this, an incredibly tense standoff between the U.S. and the USSR commenced. Even after it was resolved, the American public and government retained a deep mistrust of Cuba, a sentiment that was quite mutual (Suddath, 2009; Franklin, 1997).

Over the following decades, the United States maintained its embargo and engaged in numerous activities intended to weaken or directly overthrow the Castro regime (Franklin, 1997; Elliston, 1999). From propaganda radio broadcasts dubbed the "Voice of America," sent from transmitters in Florida to listeners across Cuba — which later evolved into television broadcasts — to a significant tolerance for Cuban refugees, the United States has cultivated a uniquely adversarial relationship with this near neighbor (Elliston, 1999). It is against this backdrop that Cuba's educational programs have been deemed insufficient to meet U.S. standards, a determination that carries implications beyond the bilateral relationship. When objective present-day reality is judged rather than subjective political history, however, the Cuban educational system cannot credibly be considered substandard.

Efficacy and Quality of Cuba's Educational Program

Tensions between the two countries continue to fluctuate, but Cuba's economy has largely stabilized and the broader situation remains essentially at an impasse (Suddath, 2009). That stabilization has brought many internal changes to the country, largely to the benefit of Cuba and, in certain respects, to the broader world. As current research and statistics demonstrate, Cuba has not only achieved a degree of stability under Castro's communist regime but has attained levels of success that are envied by many prosperous capitalist nations.

One of Cuba's most distinctive achievements, and one that reflects the strength of its educational commitment, is its International Pedagogy Congress, held every two years since 1986. The conference draws large numbers of scientists and educators from around the world — predominantly from Central and South America, though it is not limited to those nations — who present papers and hold discussions on a wide variety of topics (CMHA, 2011). With nearly ten thousand Cubans having presented papers over its quarter-century history, the International Pedagogy Congress is not only evidence of the importance Cuba attaches to knowledge and education, but also an opportunity for the country to showcase its substantial educational achievements (CMHA, 2011).

The success of the Cuban educational program is not visible only in the higher echelons of Cuban society, where the most talented individuals have been identified for intensive quality education. Both in terms of high achievers and the general baseline of educational attainment, Cuba's achievements have been described as "noteworthy" by UNESCO (UNESCO, 2011). Some facts about Cuba's educational situation make the suspicion of Cuban credentials almost difficult to justify, even when Cuba is compared not just to Central and South American nations but to the United States and many developed European countries.

The most current available statistics show that 99.8 percent of all Cubans over the age of fifteen are literate, and that 100 percent of Cuban citizens between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four are literate (UNESCO, 2011). This means that virtually everyone in the country born during or after the stabilization of Castro's revolution in the 1970s can read and write, and that everyone born from the mid-1980s onward is fully literate (UNESCO, 2011). As Cuba's population ages, the national literacy rate will continue to rise, despite the fact that Cuba already ranks as having the second-highest literacy rate in the world, after Georgia (UNESCO, 2011). The United States, by comparison, ranks twenty-first in the world, with a literacy rate of 99 percent (UNESCO, 2011). Though still a high figure, when applied to the total U.S. population it means the American educational system has failed to develop literacy in millions of people.

In terms of encouraging ongoing learning and the basic education of its citizens, Cuba compares quite favorably to the United States. The U.S. certainly devotes more absolute resources to scientific and academic endeavors and spends more on education in raw dollar terms, yet Cuba spends far more proportionately — as a percentage of GDP — than does the United States (OCLC, 2003; CIA, 2011). A comparison of expenditure alone is not, however, a reliable measure of relative commitment to education, given the vast difference in scale between the two economies. The immensity of the U.S. economy allows the country to spend a great deal in absolute terms on the advancement of education even where proportional spending is lower (OCLC, 2003). Cuba is clearly not positioned to match that level of absolute spending, particularly given the extent of state expenditure required across other sectors under its government-controlled economy.

A better method of comparison is to examine the details and specific efficacy of each program. The high school completion rate is one useful metric. The current estimated completion rate for high school in the United States is 73 percent, meaning that more than one in four students who begin high school in the U.S. do not finish (Weathersbee, 2007). This figure does not even include students who drop out before officially reaching high school. In Cuba, 99.1 percent of all students who begin high school complete it (Weathersbee, 2007). From these figures alone, it is evident that the Cuban educational system is more consistent and effective at the secondary level.

High school education is also far more equitable in Cuba than in the United States. While the national average U.S. completion rate stands at 73 percent, rates in certain districts are drastically lower — most often in inner-city areas with large minority populations, or in rural schools that do not receive adequate support from community or state governments. In the Detroit school district, for example, only 25 percent of students who enroll in high school ultimately graduate, and the pattern reflects a broader racial disparity within the U.S. educational system (Weathersbee, 2007; NCES, 2010). In Cuba, the school system is operated by the federal government, making it highly centralized, highly consistent, and broadly supported by parents and communities alike (Weathersbee, 2007). The task of maintaining a consistent national system is admittedly easier in Cuba given its smaller population and more concentrated geography, but this cannot be considered the sole explanation for Cuba's success. There is a strong institutional commitment to high educational standards, and the Cuban government has developed effective methods for acting on that commitment rather than merely articulating it.

Conclusion

It is possible that as U.S. schools become more inclusive and egalitarian, broader societal changes will occur that make the Cuban system — and Cuba as a nation — appear more acceptable on the international stage. This is a highly complex issue involving many factors, but there are signs that change could occur relatively soon. What is already clear, based on the evidence examined here, is that the non-recognition of Cuban high school diplomas abroad reflects political history far more than any genuine deficiency in educational quality. By the measures that matter most — literacy, completion rates, curriculum breadth, and proportional investment — Cuba's educational system is not only comparable to that of the United States but, in several key respects, outperforms it.

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