This paper presents a two-part analysis combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Part A reports the results of a chi-square test examining the relationship between gender and meeting attendance in a sample of 70 cases. The results indicate no statistically significant association between the two variables (χ² = 0.206, p = .650), with a negligible effect size (Cramér's V = .054). Part B draws on semi-structured interview data to explore Pakistani women's experiences of work-family conflict. Using qualitative thematic analysis, the paper identifies recurring themes including joint family obligations, gender role expectations, financial dependence on husbands, and the social pressure women face to prioritize domestic responsibilities alongside — or above — professional work.
The dataset used for Part A comprised 70 valid cases (100.0%), with no missing data, drawn from a saved SPSS file. The analysis examined the relationship between gender and attendance at a meeting using a chi-square test of independence. The chi-square test of independence assesses whether two categorical variables are statistically associated in a given sample.
Of the 70 participants, 39 identified as male and 31 as female. Among males, 21 attended the meeting (53.8% of males) and 18 did not (46.2% of males). Among females, 15 attended (48.4% of females) and 16 did not (51.6% of females). Overall, 36 participants attended the meeting (51.4% of the total sample) and 34 did not (48.6%).
Looking at column percentages, males accounted for 58.3% of those who attended and 52.9% of those who did not attend. Females made up 41.7% of attendees and 47.1% of non-attendees. No cells had an expected count below 5; the minimum expected count was 15.06, confirming that the assumptions for the chi-square test were met.
The Pearson chi-square value was 0.206 (df = 1, p = .650), indicating no statistically significant association between gender and meeting attendance. This result was corroborated by the continuity-corrected chi-square (0.045, p = .831), the likelihood ratio (0.206, p = .650), and Fisher's Exact Test (two-sided p = .810; one-sided p = .416). The linear-by-linear association statistic was 0.203 (p = .652).
The symmetric measures further confirmed the negligible relationship: both Phi and Cramér's V were .054 (p = .650), indicating a very small effect size. In sum, the quantitative analysis provides no evidence that gender is associated with whether a participant attended the meeting in this sample.
Empirical research investigating the experiences of women in the Pakistani context remains limited. What makes Pakistan distinctive is the interplay between family structure, religion, culture, and social class, all of which shape how Pakistani women reconcile their family roles with their working lives. The study used in-depth semi-structured interviews to investigate Pakistani women's experiences of work-family conflict, employing qualitative data analysis to enhance reliability and validity. Analysis was carried out by reading interview transcripts to understand the full context of participants' accounts, from which several recurring themes emerged.
The first theme is the joint family. Interviews revealed that the joint family is an essential feature of Pakistani culture (Anthias, 2013). In Pakistan, family members view themselves as a collective unit. For example, if one family member falls ill, the others rally to provide care. If a woman becomes sick, another family member assumes her caring responsibilities while her husband may not participate. The joint family system also imposes collective consumption norms: a woman cannot purchase an item for herself alone or solely for her children — she is expected to buy for all members of the family (Ammons & Edgell, 2007).
A second theme is the conflict between women's family roles and their work obligations. In the Pakistani context, women are expected to fulfill family roles in accordance with family and social expectations regardless of their professional commitments. Even when a woman works long hours in an office, that professional responsibility is not considered an acceptable reason to reduce her childcare or domestic duties (Anwar & Shahzad, 2011). Society judges women primarily on the quality of their family caregiving, meaning Pakistani women are expected to meet all homemaking responsibilities regardless of their professional position (Ali et al., 2011). Because women must perform the roles of both a "good woman" and an "ideal worker," failure to meet either standard is treated as a personal deficiency (Arif & Amir, 2008). For instance, women are expected to prepare their husband's breakfast, iron his clothes, and organize everything he needs for the next working day — all in addition to their own professional duties. Given this burden, the study found that 95% of women reported feeling relieved that they were not in paid employment.
Another theme identified in the study concerns the expectation that men, not women, are the designated breadwinners in Pakistan. One participant illustrated this dynamic when she described suffering from back pain caused by uncomfortable office chairs and being required to sit for long hours without a break. Her husband's response was: "Leave the job and rest at home. I am not demanding. I never demanded anything from him at all." The same participant confirmed that women are expected to seek their husband's permission before spending their own earnings (Ansari, 2011).
The relationship between Pakistani women and their husbands' relatives constitutes a further theme. Women are expected to be accommodating toward their husband's family, and they broadly accept men as the head of the household. Accordingly, women are required to seek permission from their husbands for most decisions. The prevailing expectation is that financial contribution is the husband's exclusive domain, and women are discouraged from contributing financially. One participant articulated this dynamic as follows:
"When I was at my home, at the time of emergency, birthdays, anniversaries, I used to contribute financially and bought gifts to please my family members. Even I cannot buy a gift for him. My husband tells me to buy things for him from his money. He is not developing a habit of taking money from me. If a husband starts to take money from his wife, then the wife eventually ends up surrendering before him."
These qualitative findings collectively illustrate how cultural norms, religious values, family structures, and gendered financial expectations intersect to shape Pakistani women's experiences of gender inequality at home and in the workplace. The themes identified through thematic analysis highlight the structural and cultural pressures that constrain women's professional participation and autonomy in Pakistan.
"Male breadwinner ideology and women's financial dependence"
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