Rousseau as Realist, Liberal, and Critical Theorist

Defining the Three Frameworks

Several questions and ideas must be addressed in examining Jean-Jacques Rousseau's philosophical identity. First, is Rousseau a realist? Can it be said, without equivocation, that his views follow those of classical realism — the doctrine that universals exist outside the mind and that all things in the empirical world should be explained in terms of the "real world" rather than in terms of abstractions or perceptions?

Second, is Rousseau a liberal in the traditional sense — not today's "liberal" in the popular juxtaposition of "liberal" and "conservative" — and do his views follow that thread throughout his extensive narrative? Liberalism, in its classical definition, is a moral philosophy that emphasizes religious toleration, personal freedom, government led by the consent of the governed, economic freedom, human justice, and civil liberties.

Third, does Rousseau's writing belong to the critical theory genre? The essence of critical theory is that social theory — whether expressed through educational research, business, philosophy, or the arts — should play a significant role in making necessary changes in the world, rather than merely recording and presenting information.

In The Political Writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, C.E. Vaughan observes — as readers clearly understand from the assigned essay — that the "first question" Rousseau addressed is, "What is the nature, and what the source, of Right?" Vaughan also notes that the "two strands" found in Rousseau's political thought are "individual liberty" and the "sovereignty of the State." These may appear to conflict, and they actually do; yet the "historical significance" of Rousseau is that he "prepares the ground for the wholly different ideals of the future."

Rousseau and Liberalism

Rousseau's theories are somewhat conflicting at times, but it is clear that his views can safely be placed within the genre of liberalism. He steps "out of the lecture room" and sees "wretched nations groaning beneath the yoke of iron." Mankind is "ground down by a handful of oppressors." That last phrase shows Rousseau's profound concern for the less fortunate and the politically powerless, and when he says "ground down by a handful of oppressors," readers can easily recognize that those oppressors are not governing with the consent of the governed.

Rousseau sees the "rich" drinking "the blood and tears of their victims," and on every side he sees the "strong armed" powers-that-be using their "terrible powers of the Law against the weak." Since liberalism emphasizes social justice, civil rights, and representative rather than dictatorial government, there is little doubt that what Rousseau writes belongs within the liberal tradition.

Rousseau continues: "… before me lies a scene of murder, ten thousand slaughtered, the dead piled in heaps, the dying trampled underfoot by horses, on every side the image of death and the throes of death." He then turns irony on himself, writing, "Yes, heartless philosopher! Come and read us your book on a field of battle!" The rule of the world, he explains, is that "Justice and truth are commanded to give way before the interest of the powerful."

Rousseau also edges toward a critical theorist position when he advocates "testing the institutions of man by their first principles," because "we find ourselves exposed to the evils of civil order and the state of nature." And so long as in the union of "force and Law," force is not "controlled by Law," and the "prince is regarded as absolutely uncontrolled, it is force alone which speaks to the subject under the name of Law and to the foreigner under the name of reason of State."

The question of whether Rousseau enters critical theory territory is not entirely settled, but since critical theory holds that philosophy and the arts should play a significant role in changing the world, Rousseau's discussion of the "true source of our social misery" is relevant. He puts forward the idea that the only possible sanction for governments that brutally rule over citizens occurs when members of the "international Right" — if they have "self-interest" — voluntarily submit to the law of nature. His pointed question also resonates here: "… I am not asking what makes war profitable to him who wages it, but what makes it legitimate. To be just almost always entails some sacrifice. But does that entitle a man to be unjust?"

Some of what Rousseau argues could also fall under the genre of realism, because "objects of sense perception or cognition exist independently of the mind" (Merriam-Webster). Since Rousseau writes that "war is possible only between such 'moral beings,'" it follows that "the belligerents have no quarrel with individual enemies and can wage war without destroying a single life." In other words, a realist about war believes that war enjoys an independent reality and thus exists regardless of whether any person wishes, fears, or hopes that it does.

Reason, Passion, and Liberal Identity

Why is Rousseau so passionate — and yet seemingly reasonable — about the issues in the Contrat Social? "To speak of 'reason' and 'passion' in discussing Rousseau's writing is, of course, to reduce and oversimplify his language" (Hall, 2001), according to research published in the journal Polity. Beyond those two concepts — reason (raison) and passion — Rousseau also writes in the Contrat Social about understanding, intelligence, sentiment, love, pity, enlightenment, and "inclination," as Hall explains. All of these themes reinforce the notion that Rousseau is the quintessential liberal, in the context of the classical definition of liberalism.

Hall's article finds "evidence" in Rousseau's writing that he criticizes "rationalism and celebrates at least some forms of passion," which strengthens the argument that he embraces liberalism. Rousseau writes that "reason" causes damage and "deteriorates the species" (59) in his Second Discourse. This attitude is distinctly liberal in its nature and tone. Reason, Rousseau writes, "turns man in upon himself." "Reason is what separates him from all that troubles him and afflicts him."

As a result, Rousseau continues, the philosopher "has merely to place his hands over his ears and argue with himself a little" — which allows him to ignore the cries of his fellow citizens. Rousseau further contends in the Second Discourse (54–55) that, "for lack of wisdom and reason, [savage man] is always seen thoughtlessly giving in to the first sentiment of humanity." Taking on the rationalist argument that "good behavior depends primarily on the use of reason," Hall writes that "Rousseau contends that '… with all their mores, men would never have been anything but monsters if nature had not given them pity to aid their reason.'"

Conclusion

From the time he is born, the citizen's presence in society "becomes a gift bestowed on him conditionally by the State." That certainly sounds like a classical realist or a critical theorist, not a raging liberal. But readers who engage with Rousseau's work to any significant degree come to understand that he embraces more than one philosophy.

Rousseau's theories resist simple categorization. His most consistent and sustained voice is that of the classical liberal — concerned with consent, civil liberties, justice for the powerless, and the moral community. Yet his pragmatic acknowledgment of state authority and his insistence on testing institutions against first principles reveal genuine realist and critical theory dimensions as well. Rousseau is, ultimately, a pluralistic thinker whose philosophical identity cannot be reduced to a single tradition, and that complexity is precisely what makes his political writings enduringly significant.

References

Froese, Katrin. "Beyond Liberalism: The Moral Community of Rousseau's Social Contract." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34 (2001): 579–581.

Hall, Cheryl. "Reason, Passion, and Politics in Rousseau." Polity 34 (2001): 69–89.

Merriam-Webster. "Realism" and "Liberalism." 30 Nov. 2004. http://www.m-w.com

Vaughan, C.E. The Political Writings of Jean Jacques Rousseau: Introduction. London: Cambridge University Press, 1915.

Vaughan, C.E. The Political Writings of Jean Jacques Rousseau: General Position of Rousseau. London: Cambridge University Press, 1915.