Shōnen, Shōjo, Kawaii Culture, and Sexuality in Manga

Shōnen and shōjo differ from each other mainly through the thematic stories they choose to tell. The narratives in each type of anime or manga are indicative of the intended audience: shōnen targets boys, while shōjo targets girls. The two share some common ground — most notably, Osamu Tezuka played a large part in shaping both as popular manga culture. Tezuka authored foundational shōnen works such as Astro Boy and Kimba the White Lion, and was also responsible for the shōjo manga Princess Knight. Manga culture owes much of its beginnings to this one man.

As far as narratives go, however, shōnen and shōjo differ as clearly as apples and oranges. Angela Drummond-Matthews argues that the general narrative of boys' manga follows a formulaic version of the hero's journey. This hero's journey typifies the themes of shōnen manga and anime, which can be split into various genres — adventures, sports, war, action, horror, giant robots, and more. Through such broad themes, it is no surprise that the shōnen manga industry is the largest segment of the manga publishing industry; the themes are expansive enough that even female audiences have no trouble enjoying the stories.

Shōjo differs considerably in this respect. Beyond the fact that its stories are not as heroically epic as their shōnen counterparts, shōjo's historical themes also developed along a different trajectory. At its emergence in the 1960s, romance was merely an added element rather than the central, defining goal it has become in most shōjo manga today. Kukhee Choo addresses this shift, noting that contemporary popular shōjo stories have moved the image of the female heroine toward a more domestic role. Choo cites Hana Yori Dango and Fruits Basket as examples of female protagonists working as maids within wealthy, male-dominated households.

There is much to be said about the popularity of kawaii ("cute") culture in Japan, which seems to encompass a vast range of products and social behaviors. Sharon Kinsella's article "Cuties in Japan" illuminates the origins and reasoning behind the emergence of cute culture, as well as the business and marketing strategies that capitalize on what is considered cute among Japanese youth. There are, of course, tensions within this culture; though youth have used it as a means of breaking away from traditional Japan, those who oppose the cute culture will find that resistance does little to eradicate it.

Kinsella identifies the fact that Japanese culture has long embraced and cultivated the idea that childhood is an idealized, almost otherworldly notion. By the 1950s, Disney-influenced imagery drew Japanese culture into a nostalgic vision of an ideal childhood. Out of this context, the concept of "cuteness" emerged — perhaps beginning within the language and writing habits of Japanese youth before spreading to various aspects of the consumer industry. Cuteness crossed the language barrier as words became simplified and phonetically rounded to reflect the way young people spoke.

From there, businesses began marketing cute goods extensively: from Sanrio's stationery and brand designs such as Hello Kitty to childlike clothing filled with frills, puffed sleeves, and ribbons, to cakes, sweets, and other confectionery traditionally associated with children. In time, even public figures such as actors, pop idols, and writers came to embrace cute culture. This apparent celebration of self-gratification troubled conservative factions in Japan, primarily because of the immaturity cuteness was seen to represent — producing a visible generational gap between responsible adults and what they perceived as a self-indulgent youth culture.