This paper analyzes William Byrd's early eighteenth-century secret diary to explore how religion and social class intersected in his relationships with women. While Byrd faithfully recorded daily prayers and religious observances, the paper argues that his moral judgments about sexuality were governed less by piety than by social convention and class distinctions. Drawing on specific diary entries from 1719, the analysis shows that Byrd distinguished between prostitutes, married women, and his own maid not on theological grounds but according to their social standing and his perceived obligations to them. The paper situates Byrd within the broader context of Southern colonial gentry culture, suggesting that formal religious practice and personal moral behavior could coexist with remarkable inconsistency.
The role of religion in the early American colonies and the shaping of the nation is a frequent topic of debate, even in public discourse today. The Southern plantation owner William Byrd's early eighteenth-century diary strikes the modern reader as a curious mix of the sacred and the profane. Every day of the diary, for many years, begins with a record of how Byrd read Greek and Latin, said his prayers, and performed his daily calisthenic exercises, which he calls "doing his dance." Religious observances were important to the Southern gentleman planter, but the formulaic nature of his entries suggests that religion was part of daily life in much the same way as doing sit-ups. Byrd does not record what he prays for or what prayers he says; he is more descriptive about his breakfast foods, such as the milk and porridge he consumes each morning.
This suggests that for early Southern colonists like Byrd β part of the social and economic class that would later give birth to gentleman farmers like the Founding Father Thomas Jefferson β religion was a present but not overwhelming moral structure that permeated their lives. This is particularly notable in Byrd's relationships with women: meeting with prostitutes was a nearly daily occurrence. Byrd's relationships with women were characterized by careless sexuality, social propriety, and a mix of guilt and responsibility. The social class and status of the woman had more of an impact upon Byrd's moral outlook than faith did.
Byrd's diary entries follow a remarkably consistent pattern: prayer, classical reading, exercise, meals, and social engagements are all recorded with equal weight and brevity. There is little reflection on the content of his prayers or their spiritual significance. In contrast to what one might expect from a devout believer, Byrd's religious practice reads more as social ritual than as a source of ethical guidance. This distinction matters: it establishes the interpretive frame through which his sexual behavior must be understood. His piety was real in its regularity, but it did not generate the kind of moral reckoning that might restrain or redirect his conduct toward women of various social stations. As a member of the Southern colonial gentry, Byrd inhabited a world where formal religious observance and personal moral flexibility coexisted without apparent contradiction.
Byrd's diary entry for January 8, 1719, offers an extraordinary pairing: a record of his typical meals, the news that his daughter had contracted smallpox (a very serious and often fatal illness), and the fact that he met up with a woman β evidently a prostitute β after seeing a play, "although she could not stay."[1] Byrd sees no contradiction between his status as the father of a gravely ill child and his involvement in prostitution. His entry for January 20, 1719, begins with prayer and then describes "rogering" a woman with whom he was evidently familiar, whom he calls Mrs. Strd.[2] On one occasion, after rogering Mrs. Crtny, he remarks that before going to bed he did ask the Lord to have mercy on him β though this does not necessarily seem connected to his sexuality, as he does not pray after any of his other transgressions.[3]
"Class distinctions drive guilt, not religion"
"Biblical language and employer guilt over maid"
[3] Ibid., 223.
[4] Ibid., 224.
[5] Ibid., 227.
[6] Ibid., 449; 450.
You’re 48% through this paper. Sign up to read the remaining 2 sections.
Sign Up Now — Instant Access Already a member? Log inAlways verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.