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In the case of a natural master and a natural slave (neither of which Aristotle sufficiently explains, presumably assuming that birth or subsequent circumstance rightly assigned these roles), it is the master that rules unequivocally over the slave, though ostensibly to their mutual benefit. The same is true of the man over his wife and children, though with a greater desire for their good than his own. Political rule requires a larger group in order to refrain from despotism; though it comes with many complications, Aristotle insists, "the principle that the multitude ought to be supreme rather than the few best is one that is maintained" (III.11).
The master-slave relationship as described by Aristotle has given modern scholars the most trouble, for there is very little basis for it in Aristotle's logic....
He seems to assume that there are natural slaves, and that it can only be good for them to be ruled by masters -- he even questions whether or not slaves have any usefulness or purpose outside their utility to a master (III.13). Political rule, as it is aimed at achieving the best life for all citizens of the polis, naturally derives its authority from the masses that make up the governing body. This is directly and inextricably ties to the concept that a government of the majority is preferable to a government by the select few or by the very best individual (III.11).
Many of Aristotle's political views haven't survived the scrutiny of the centuries. The basic elements of most political systems are laid out in his discussion, however, despite the differences in degree and labels that stand today.
This framework with different approaches creates the premise for every regime to be characterized according to it. As such, following this structural determination, Western democracies can be characterized through the constitutional-institutional approach as regimes where the population participates in the governance process through the free, democratic elections, while at the same time limiting the extent of power that the government can have. These regimes promote capitalist and free market economies
Aristotle & Cicero on Rhetoric As children we are conditioned to a particular form of discourse that is framed by a significantly complex set of variables including our culture, gender, ethnicity, birth order, political identity and power, religion, and personality. How we employ words, in what context, and with what relative level of effectiveness is determined by all of these factors and more. Rhetoric is, however effectively argued over, a tool
We do not seek honor because it is valuable in itself, we seek honor to make us feel good, to achieve happiness. Aristotle believed that a true, ultimate must be sought for its own sake, that the end goal be self-sufficient and final. For Aristotle, the good life is the "life of contemplation." Contemplation, the activity of the intellect, is loved for its own sake. It is not done in
Plato and Aristotle Metaphysics The idea of metaphysics is a complex idea that focuses on expanding beyond the mere realities of physics within the natural world. In a sense, this goes "beyond physics," in that the study of metaphysics is "devoted to matters that transcend the mundane concerns" expounded by those of practical scientists such as Einstein and Heisenberg (van Inwagen, Peter). So in a broad term, "metaphysics" attempts to delve deeply
15). He argues that there is a duty resting on convention, which he considers in a deep and morally weighty sense, based on an implied but nonetheless binding contract between the individual and the state: It is a fact, then," they would say, "that you are breaking covenants and undertakings made with us, although you mad them under no compulsion of misunderstanding, and were not compelled to decide in a limited
Aristotle identified the productive sciences as those concerned with the making of things, such as farming, art, and engineering. Aristotle did not say much about productive knowledge. The practical sciences are concerned with action and with how we ought to act in various circumstances, in both private and public affairs. Knowledge becomes theoretical when its goals are neither production nor action but simply truth, and this is what we