Divine, Referred to as Lwa,

¶ … divine, referred to as lwa, are meticulously organized within the basic four elements of the world: earth, water, air and fire. The individual lwa met tet belongs to this set of 401 divinities within the Vodou tradition. Typically, this individual divinity possesses particular people, usually during the functioning of religious ceremonies. However, possession by this spirit can occur at any time, and often happens during stressful periods in one's life. Within this context, the lwa is known as the virtuoso, in that the specific nature of the spirit determines the way in which the possessed person behaves or speaks during the spiritual ceremony. These ceremonies are commonly attuned to the beating of a drum, with participants singing and dancing around a central pole, which serves as the focal point of the divine energy. The possessed individual is afforded the chance, though their sensitivity to the divine, to act freely, and without inhibition, as the spirit takes hold of their mental state and impels them to act in ways he or she might normally not. This possessed state allows the people in close contract with it a glimpse into the spiritual world; so precisely how the possessed individual behaves is watched closely, in order to decipher the potential messages the spirits are conveying: "When possessed, servitors are dressed and fed to please the lwa, or 'divine horsemen.' In return, the lwa offer counsel to their human family," (American Museum of Natural History).

Still, "A frequent type of possession is associated with the sleep state," (Bellegarde-Smith 129). This is a legitimate form of possession because, in the Vodou tradition, there are two basic types of possession: bosal, or rough, and a more harmonious type of possession. In the first case, the individual who is possessed can often exhibit violent behavior. They may act wild, thrash around, and behave in a generally disorganized and manic manner. Nevertheless, the actions of the possessed individual, no matter how chaotic, are believed to be of great significance to everyone involved in the ceremony.

The second form of spiritual possession, which can occur during particular Vodou ceremonies, is far more peaceful. This peaceful version of possession is often interpreted as being a reflection of inner peace and harmony with the respective spirit taking hold of the person: "In this case, the individual ti bon anj is understood to be displaced and replaced by one of the 401 lwa. The person is re-equilibrated by the very process of his or her absorption within these higher forces," (Bellegarde-Smith 130). Although this full, spiritual manifestation of the lwa is typically less chaotic than the alternative form of possession, it may also manifest itself in particular forms of expression. The possessed individual may sing, dance, foretell the future, or even carry-out incredible feats -- such as glass-eating, fire-eating, or curing illnesses -- when in this highly elevated state of spiritual awareness: "During religious rites, believers sometimes enter a trancelike state in which the devotee may eat and drink, perform stylized dances, give supernaturally inspired advice to people, or perform medical cures or special physical feats; these acts exhibit the incarnate presence of the lwa within the entranced devotee," (McAlister).

Within Vodou theology, there are constantly a series of sprits whirling around people and their lives. However, people are not viewed as being completely disconnected form these spirits; they possess an unseen, almost magical connection to the divine realm. It may not be wholly apparent in the common function of everyday life that every person holds a touch of the spiritual within them; accordingly, sometimes this link can become strained or disordered. Ultimately, this is why it is often believed that possession is essential to the spiritual well-being, and spiritual harmony of the individual. It is a ritualistic process by which the individual is capable of re-establishing their link with the divine and subsequently come to terms with the numerous sprits constantly influencing their life.

Often during these rituals the possessed person is treated with different herbs or types of medicine to aid them in their journey to the spiritual. Although, from the perspective of modern day medicine, the knowledge these healers possess of human anatomy and treatment may be minimal, within Vodou theology, these features of medicine are relatively irrelevant. After all, within Vodou it is believed that human beings are constantly swimming in a bath of spiritual forces, each discretely impressing their forces upon the person in their own, unique way. This means that different plants, herbs or parts of the world are each occupied by their own spirits and imbued with their own powers. So, the actual medicinal nature of the herbs the possessed person is treated with is not as important as the connection they may have to particular spiritual realms within Vodou.

Of course, this sort of cosmic soup that people in the Vodou tradition interact with is capable of producing disharmony in the individual, and it is this sort of disharmony that ritualistic possession is intended to root out. This is the fundamental purpose of the healer's involvement in the ritual. He or she is charged with the task of determining which influences have become too strong in the possessed person's life, and which are not strong enough. A healthy balance of influences, it is believed, is what produces mental and physical health or well-being: "All that matters is learning how to recognize a state of disorder and energetic disequilibrium and learning the appropriate manner to act upon this imbalance in order to increase or decrease the energy level of that person -- that is to say, to re-equilibrate the person," (Bellegarde-Smith 130). In other words, the skill of the healer lies within their understanding of the different forces acting upon the individual patient. This understanding is essential to a successful possession and communication with the lwa.

Overall, one of the most important facets of Vodou as a religion is the community structure that it both strengths and helps to form. It depends, in large part, upon the social bonds between family members and friends in order for the divine meaning behind human actions to be properly interpreted. In many other cultures, for example, dance is simply a form of socializing; however, within Vodou, it is both a form of socializing and a form of religious expression. Through musical expression and dance the lwa is allowed to take-over at least a portion of the individual's state of mind or consciousness. So, when in this state, the dance becomes significant for the person dancing, for the spirit speaking through their expression, and for everyone in attendance to witness the dance. This interplay makes Vodou a highly social religion, in which its teachings, belief system, and rituals are carried through the structure of the family and the community structure surrounding the family.

So, it should not be at all surprising that the very structure of the rituals are founded upon the particular social and familial roles that are of significance in human society and therefore have their spiritual corollaries in Vodou: "It has a saccredotal hierarchy comprised of the oungan (male) and the manbo (female) and their assistants, the laplas (sword bearer), ounsi kanzo (spouses of the spirits), oungenikon (chorus leader), and ounto (drummers)," (Bellegarde-Smith 47). It should be noted that each of these positions are essential to the proper functioning of the ritual because they are believed to occupy important roles among the spirits as well as among the human beings. By assigning these roles within the ritual, the spirits are mimicked in a way that allows them to make their presence felt more clearly.