Earl of Tyrone Hugh O\'Neill,

Earl of Tyrone

Hugh O'Neill, leader of the Irish forces in the War of 1595-1603, was born sometime around 1550. He was the third Baron of Dungannon, and the second Earl of Tyrone.

When Shane O'Neill was assassinated in 1558, Hugh was raised by Sir Henry Sidney at Penshurst (Welsh 2000). Raised by the English in "the new religion," O'Neill was described by his contemporary, Sir John Dowdall, as "a little rascal horse boy" (Hugh 1998). In 1562, when his brother Brian was murdered by Turlough, Hugh became baron of Dungannon. During the Earl of Desmond Rebellion in 1580, and in 1584, he served with the English and helped Sir John Perrot fight against the Scots of Elster (Hugh 1998). In 1585, he attended parliament as the Earl of Tyrone, and upon his inauguration as the O'Neill on Turlough's resignation in 1593, Hugh was without rival in the north (Hugh 1998). When he first returned to Ireland in 1568, he remained loyal to the English, but when in 1588 he gave "succour in Inishowen" to survivors from the wreck of the Spanish Armada, the English became suspicious of his loyalty (Hugh 1998).

During his youth, O'Neill spent time in both England and Ireland. In England he learned the ways of the English and was groomed to be an English nobleman rather than an Irish chief (Musgrave 2003). Although a Catholic from birth, he attended the Protestant church in England without protest. Camden described him as a man whose industry was great, his mind large and fit for the weightiest businesses...he had much knowledge in military affairs and a profound, dissembling heart so as many deemed him born either for the great good or ill of his country" (Musgrave 2003).

For the most part, he did not interfere in the feuds and quarrels of the Irish chiefs, and according to sources, had no participation in the final overthrow and assassination of Shane O'Neill. However, in 1574, he assisted the Earl of Essex to "lay waste" the territory of O'Neill of Clanaboy, and six years later aided the Earl of Ormonde in the defeat of the Geraldines (Musgrave 2003). As a peer in Perrot's Parliament, he agreed to the "attainting of the Earl of Desmond and the confiscation of his lands" in 1585 (Musgrave 2003). In 1586, O'Neill traveled with Perrot to Ulster to defeat the Antrim Scots. His loyalty to the English was formally acknowledged by Queen Elizabeth I who granted him the title of Earl of Tyrone and confirmed his possession of all the lands held by his grandfather (Musgrave 2003). Upon this honor, O'Neill accepted the responsibility for the sons of Shane O'Neill, declared that no tax would be issued on the Ulster chiefs, and agreed to build an English fort in Tyrone (Musgrave 2003). To justify his actions to the English, he renounced forever the name of O'Neill, "to make Tyrone shireground, with English law and English officials," and prohibited nuns and priests within it (Musgrave 2003).

O'Neill's enemies within the Irish Council were the viceroy and Marshal Bagenal, whose sister he had married. Bagenal was one of the earliest doubters of Hugh's loyalty to the queen, and the elopement of his sister, Mabel, to O'Neill only fueled his grievances (Guttman 2006). O'Neill had been married twice before, one wife had died and the other he had divorced. Apparently O'Neill and Mabel were married by Thomas Jones, Bishop of Meath, who claimed he performed the ceremony for the "sake of the lady's honor" (Guttman 2006). According to one historian, Mabel has been referenced as the "Helen of the Elizabethan wars," for her brother was very vocal concerning his "distaste" at being related through her marriage "with so traitorous a stock and kindred" (Guttman 2006). By the time of Mabel's death in 1596, relations between O'Neill had Bagenal had progressed into a full-scale blood feud (Guttman 2006).

In 1594, Queen Elizabeth I censured Bagnal, recalled Fitzwillam and appointed Sir William Russell to replace him (Musgrave 2003). This same year, O'Donnell, Maguire, and MacMahon were already engaged in open rebellion, and when O'Neill's brother joined the rebels, Hugh became suspect (Musgrave 2003). When he arrived in Dublin, Bagnal accused him of conspiring not only with the rebels, but with the pope and the King of Spain as well (Musgrave 2003). Bagnal also charged O'Neill with assuming the title of The O'Neill. Although the charges could not be proven, Queen Elizabeth I ordered that he be detained, however O'Neill was forewarned and was able to escape from Dublin (Musgrave 2003). The following year, the conflict broke out into a full scale rebellion with the "most formidable Irish rebel with whom England had ever been called upon to deal - cool, wary, far-seeing, laying his plans with care, never moved by passion, never boasting, and as skilful in the council chamber as on the battlefield" (Musgrave 2003).

O'Neill have been given a number of soldiers in the Queen's pay, which he changed frequently, thereby allowing the training of a large number of clansmen at Elizabeth's expense (Musgrave 2003). O'Neill was shrewd. For example, he purchased large quantities of lead, claiming he needed it for roofing, but instead he used it to cast into bullets, all the while remaining friendly with the Ulster chiefs (Musgrave 2003). Therefore, he was prepared when he entered the field, and easily captured Portmore on the Blackwater, and defeated the English at Clontibret, preventing the relief of Monaghan (Musgrave 2003).

O'Neill had managed to recruit and train approximately 1,000 cavalrymen, 1,000 pikemen, and some 4,000 musketeers, as well as other troops armed with more traditional weapons such as swords, javelins, battle-axes, and bows (Guttman 2006). During the Battle of Clontibret, at which his declared his commitment to the Irish cause, he used a strategy that he used again with greater success. He laid siege to the English outposts beyond the Pale, forcing the English to send relief columns to the isolated forts, and there he ambushed (Guttman 2006). The employment of these guerrilla tactics, based on lessons learned from previous Irish rebellions, was ideally suited to sixteenth century Ireland because at that time the land was still covered with thick forests and bogs (Guttman 2006). There were basically only three land routes into Ulster, along the east coast through Moyry Pass, in the center at Enniskillen, and along the west cost at the Ford of Ballshannon. O'Neill used diplomacy to form a strong Irish coalition in Ulster and beyond, reasoning that by exhausting the English, he could negotiate a compromise that would allow him to retain his power in Ulster (Guttman 2006).

At the Battle of the Yellow Ford, the English army suffered the worst defeat on Irish soil, losing some thirty officers, more than 800 men killed, and another 400 wounded, while the Irish estimated their casualties at 200 killed and 600 wounded (Guttman 2006). Moreover, roughly 300 of Bagenal's Irish troops deserted him and joined O'Neill, including two Englishmen who switched sides because O'Neill paid them a 20 shilling bounty (Guttman 2006). Numerous others simply fled and were declared as missing. Furthermore, eleven colors were lost during battle (Guttman 2006). The English had lost face and the Blackwater fort. This battle escalated the Nine Years' War from a conflict that had for the most part been fought in Ulster to a war against English control throughout the whole of Ireland (Guttman 2006). O'Neill's guerilla tactics proved successful even against veteran campaigners such as Ormonde, however the most humiliating defeat for Queen Elizabeth came when her favorite, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, led some 12,000 troops in 1599 against O'Neill, and was forced to negotiate a truce with him some six weeks later (Guttman 2006).

The Irish victories at Enniskillen, Clontibret, Blackwater, and the Yellow Ford inspired confidence throughout Ireland, however despite the success, O'Neill recognized that ultimate victory would require battle in the open field, thus he appealed to the ageing Philip II for assistance (Thuillier 2001). Philip saw a number of advantages in helping the Irish. As the leading Catholic temporal power in Europe, he truly felt it was his duty to respond to the appeals of his co-religious; and Ireland could have the effect of diverting English attention from the Netherlands (Thuillier 2001). Moreover, if successful, Ireland would provide a suitable base in which to launch an attack on England, and a base could be used to "frustrate the predatory excursions of the English privateers operating out of ports in Cornwall and Devon," since such a base would give the windward advantage over English sailing vessels emerging from the Bristol and English Channels (Thuillier 2001).

After several attempts by Philip II, Philip III finally sent the Spanish fleet to assist the Irish, under the command of Don Juan d'Aguila in September 1601. A storm scattered the ships off the Irish coast, and the remainder of the fleet limped into Kinsale (Thuillier 2001). With the shelter of the harbor, roughly 3,500 men landed ashore on English soil, and for some three months, the Spaniards remained in the town, having driven out the English townspeople (Thuillier 2001).

For centuries, historians have debated the question of Kinsale's suitability as a landing place. From the Spanish perspective, it was quite suitable as a base, and for the Irish, Kinsale was too far removed from O'Neill and O'Donnell, who were constrained by the success of the new Lord Deputy (Thuillier 2001). Moreover, d'Aguila was cut off from his northern allies, and the support of local chiefs never came, thus the harnesses they had brought from Spain for horses promised by the Irish were useless (Thuillier 2001). Furthermore, the Spanish General, Brochero, the Spanish Naval Commander, left as directed after nine days with all the ships, leaving Kinsale Harbor open to the English Navy (Thuillier 2001). Nevertheless, Spanish forcers controlled Kinsale for 100 days, and for a shorter period, Rincurran and Ringrone Castles and Castle Park with an observation post on Compass Hill (Thuillier 2001).

Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, proved to be a commander capable of defeating the Irish (Guttman 2006). Within days, Mountjoy was in Cork, and by October 26th, the English were camped outside the town. They immediately began to win back strategic positions that the Spaniards had occupied, first Rincurran and then Castle Park, moves that allowed the English fleet to take possession of the harbor (Thuillier 2001). Mountjoy now turned his attention to the town, setting up a battery, 600 yards outside and to the east of Cork Gate on high ground, and then bombarded the inhabitants (Thuillier 2001). Another battery was placed overlooking the Carmelite Abbey to the west. The Spaniards resisted, and executed numerous attacks on the English, the most notable of which occurred on the night of December 2nd, "when by feigning to attack the New Battery to the west, they rushed out, overcame the First Battery east of the town and spiked the guns...Later that night the New Battery received similar treatment" (Thuillier 2001). Conditions were becoming difficult for both the English and the Spaniards. As the English approached the town, they destroyed all the crops within a five mile radius, thus they were now finding it difficult to feed themselves (Thuillier 2001). Moreover, approximately forty soldiers each day were dying from camp diseases, and the Spaniards were also suffering as they awaited assistance from the north (Thuillier 2001).