Agenda-setting in electoral politics and media discourse

Electoral Politics

As detailed quite eloquently in Chapter 15 of Haywood's text, having political power is not simply getting one's way in a crude and overt manner, like passing or pushing a bill through congress. Rather, power also involves the task of agenda-setting itself, putting an idea upon the national platform of discourse. The author additionally cites Bacharatz and Baratz as critical in defining not simply making yes or no the key player in politics -- for instance, for many years, the discrimination against Black Americans was not even part of the national discussion, until the civil rights movement. (126) Black Americans were an invisible political voice, though a sizable minority in America.

Application of agenda-setting to today's political life

Today, the role of military service and how it affects one's fitness as commander in chief is part of the national debate. The right to rule (129) is equated with military experience, rather than political aptitude or beliefs. Both parties have been complicit with this notion, as John Kerry 'reports for duty' with a salute in his Democratic acceptance speech, even though he actively opposed the war, and George Bush, despite his own lack of military service, has not disdained the notion that military service is not relevant, but attacked John Kerry's war record on a level of accuracy. Bush has suggested that Kerry's lack of support for the Vietnam War upon Kerry's return cheapens the man's service, but refuses to ignore the assumption or the unspoken psychological agenda that the ethics personal and inner life translates into political fitness and prowess.

This focus on personal service as opposed to political policy is part of the larger, popular equation of personality and personal aptitude with an aptitude to govern that is crucial in diversionary techniques of setting a false agenda, and creating what Marxists call a false consciousness, for the national race for leadership. On September 20, 2004 on the "Today" Show, the popular psychological guru Dr. Phil interviewed both candidates individually, and was then asked to give a personality analysis of both candidates, based on his singular meetings with them, as to their fitness to govern -- as if the candidate's personal ability to be a father would translate into their policy upon childcare and terrorism. This assumption or psychological agenda was accepted uncritically; again merely the factual accuracy of personal data was disputed, rather than its relevance in the agenda or the discourse of politics. The psychological assumptions of the agenda, as defined by the personalized nature of the television media, had set the agenda of personality already 'for' the candidates.

Question 2: Legitimating crisis

Trust no one,' ran the slogan of a popular television show, reflecting the 'McDonald-ization' of contemporary mistrust, as even governmental paranoia was standardized like a Model T. (Contemporary Culture, 115) However, the idea that there is a legitimating crisis presupposes the notion that once there was an ethical, wholesome era in American politics where everyone was trustworthy. The popular and confirmed lore of ballot box stuffing, the Boss Tweed era of urban politics, and even the rapacious nature of political and economic life before more stringent media scrutiny and corporate laws confirms that this was hardly the case. The temptation to fall into nostalgia ultimately creates cynicism, and must be avoided, ideally.

Question 3: Media influence don't watch the news, I'm too busy," says the suggested media non-consuming voice. Yet media is part of the culture in which one swims, lives, breathes -- one can no more ignore media influence than one can air, for one is in daily interaction with one's culture, and other individuals whom are habitual cultural consumers. Thus, the media is quite powerful, with varying degrees of subtly. For instance, the publicizing of crimes, even though crimes are supposedly publicized with the idea of protecting the public, often has the opposite effect, creating a sense of racial or socioeconomic polarization that may generate more criminal activity in the long run. Crime is an available topic, however, because it has a clear narrative structure of 'plot,' of discovery, pursuit, and punishment, much like focusing on personality in a political campaign is more comprehensible than an issue oriented analysis. Marx's notion of 'false consciousness' (Haywood 129) thus is generated, as one assumes one's lack of safety is helped by publication of crime, even while it may actually be threatened, and shaped by the media's need for an easy and cohesive narrative, rather than the public's need for safety.