Mexican Religion in the U.S.A.

Mexican Religion in the U.S.A.

2003 national survey on the Hispanic Churches in American Public Life found that 70% of all Latinos were Catholic, 22% of them Charismatic (Espinosa 2008). The rest identified with various non-Catholic denominations, such as Evangelical, Protestant, Jehovah's Witnesses and Mormon sects, or none at all. Contemporary Mexican-American religions were first studied in 1968 by Cesar Chavez, Gustavo Gutierrez, Enrique Dussel, Virgilio Elizondo, and David Carrasco, among others. Their works have attempted to study and interpret these religions without promoting or endorsing any theological viewpoint. But these reflect how Latinos find hope and perceive their universe, real as well as imagined (Espinosa).

In the last half of the 20th century, many Mexicans in Central American opted for Protestantism as their new religion (Dow 2003). The change was viewed as dramatic because of the common assumption that Latin America was mainly Catholic. But there were many types of Catholicism then in existence in Central America as well as in Mexico. At closer examination, traditional Indian folk Catholicism shared very minimal features with modern Roman Catholicism. Folk Catholicism evolved from both pre-Columbian and the Catholic colonial periods but not from modern Catholicism, which grew out of Vatican II. The Roman Catholic Church sort of accommodated most of these Indian religions and recognized them as affiliates rather than bona fide Catholic members of the Church. Closer investigation would also reveal that the Catholic elements in these Latino religions were superficial and lacked the characteristic Catholic doctrine (Dow).

A nationwide study on multi-racial congregations in the United States found that U.S.-born Hispanics were likelier to belong to inter-racial congregations than Hispanics born outside the U.S. (Althoff 2007). There have been dramatic changes noted, particularly among second and third-generations of Hispanic immigrants. This change implied their swift assimilation, acculturation or intense desire to avoid ethnic congregations. In turn, multi-racial congregations would become the trend for these and following generations. Their growth would be propelled by the continuous influx of immigrants, especially by their children and their perceived future. An increasing number of these congregations were observed in the Mid-West Michigan area. These were typically Pentecostal in their appeal for constituency as relating to Latino immigrant background. By concentrating on Latin American immigrants, these concentrations offered "opportunity for strengthening the identity" in a foreign country or environment. It also provided the chance for a change into a Latino Pentecostal identity. These congregations have succeeded because of their similarities with Christian religions or sects. Their socially conservative discourse and doctrine, which stressed on conversion and traditional patriarchal bent, were similar to those of those Christian sects in the U.S. These congregations or churches also offered protection for immigrants who needed or wanted to stabilize their identity. These congregations allowed for the ventilating of immigrant experiences. They perceived this activity as important for personal as well as group identity. Furthermore, they somewhat established a norm and value system similar to the host society, in this case, the U.S. Members of the Latino Pentecostal movement asserted that they had a life of their own even within a larger Anglican denomination, Catholic or Catholic Charismatic (Altoff).

Latin American immigrants are behind the existence and growth of these congregations (Altoff 2007). They bring with them specific religious requirements into the religious scenario in the United States. Differences in their national origin sometimes occur among Latinos and create or aggravate trouble within the church. Pentecostal congregations can, however, connect and equalize varying national backgrounds within the universal concept of the Pentecostal Christian faith (Altoff). It was also observed that many Mexican-Americans as well as Blacks were converting to Islam (Hilton 2002). The trend was unabated despite the September 11 attacks. Converted Mexican-Americans continued to practice their faith, although it appeared to promote violence. The Spanish Catholic Church traditionally opposes Islam and the Mexican Church does not exactly promote it. Some Mexicans were also converted to Protestantism (Hilton).

Latin Americans and Catholicism have been closely and popularly associated, yet statistics reveal that a quarter of all Latinos in the U.S. are Protestants (Murray 2006). There are more Latino Protestants in the U.S. than American Jews, Muslims, Episcopalians or Presbyterians. The vast 70% of Mexican Catholics and their icon of Our Lady of Guadalupe have, thus, made the Catholic Church the most distinctive symbol of Latino religion. Statistics showed that, in 2005, there were approximately 29 million Latino Catholics in the United States. Experts attributed the all-time high record largely to immigration. They said that the huge and constant influx of Catholic Mexican immigrants replenished the number of those who converted to Protestantism. The Census Bureau reported that the Latino population in the United States had grown by 18.9 million from 22.4 million in 1990 to 41.3 million in 2004. By broad estimates, the Latino population, including Puerto Ricans and undocumented immigrants, would be more than 50 million at this time. In 2003, Latinos became the largest minority group in the U.S., 14% of the U.S. population, as a result of both constant and huge immigration and high domestic birth rates. Of these 32.5 million immigrants, 16 million came in from Latin America and Spain. Almost all of them identified themselves as Christian. Next to Brazil, Mexico has been the largest source of Catholic, as well as Protestant, immigrants entering the United States. They thus contribute heavily to the size of both the Catholic Church and Protestant congregations (Murray).

Many Latino Protestants claim to be evangelical or "born-again (Murray 2006)." This means having a "personal conversion experience" to Jesus Christ. They believe they have to share that experience and their faith with others through active preaching or missionary activities. Latino Pentecostal Protestants are the biggest sub-sect. They believe that the Holy Spirit exists today and can live in people. When this happens, one can speak in tongues, heal miraculously or deliver divinely-inspired prophecies. Their active ministry and proselytizing, intense worship, healing, emphasis on conversion, transformation and broadened ministry leadership all accounted for the current trend of "Pentecostalization." Active youth ministry and popular culture also enhanced the strength and growth of Latino Protestant churches (Murray).

Critics and other observers said that Latinos do not assimilate into American society as readily as previous or other immigrants do (Murray 2006). If the immigration trend was not curbed, these observers believed there could be two competing cultures, beliefs and languages in the U.S. In incoming years. Latinos are perceived as basically different from prior and other immigrants but other observers believed they would also assimilate like other groups have. They assumed that they would eventually adopt American customs and values. Given time, Latinos would acquire and reflect overall American political, social and moral attitudes along with their traditional Latino language inflection and sensibility. At this time of ongoing assimilation, they still relish and show strong family and personal piety, which observers said would vanish in the average third-generation Mexican immigrant. Owing to their large influx, Latino immigrants influence not only the overall American society but also future generations of Latinos in the U.S. Every new wave is said or viewed to "re-acculturate" American Latinos to their original culture. Latin American immigrants constantly invigorate the church of Latinos already in the U.S. (Murray).

Other observers content that Latino religious affiliation changes by generation and assumes the character of the host nation, the United States, in this case (Murray 2006). A life national survey found that the first generation of Latino immigrants was 74% Catholic and 15% Protestant. The second generation was 72% Catholic and 20% Protestant. The third generation fell to 62% Catholic and rose to 29% Protestant. Catholic priest and scholar Andrew Greeley projected in 1988 that within 25 years, half of all American Hispanics would cease to be Catholic because of defections or conversions. The prediction proves true today. Of the 94% of U.S. immigrants from Mexico who were baptized as Catholics, some eventually defected or were converted to Protestantism. For every Latino who returns to the Catholic Church, roughly four would leave it (Murray).

Hispanics are substantially changing the way religion is practiced in the United States and affecting American culture itself (Weiss and Solis 2007). A major study conducted on the subject identified Dallas as the place where Hispanic influence is most greatly felt. Dallas is one of the 10 cities with the biggest Hispanic populations. It is second to New York in the volume of Hispanic immigrants, according to the Bureau of Census. Because most Hispanics are Catholic, the local diocese has become the most transformed. Its membership has increased from 200,000 in 1990 to approximately a million today. The downtown Sacred Heart cathedral in the State was renamed and dedicated to the Virgin of Guadalupe. It has more worshippers on weekends than any other Catholic Church in the United States. Its Masses are officiated in Spanish more often than English. Catholic bishops need to contend with an almost-completely Mexican population of immigrants attending local Catholic churches (Weiss and Solis).