Progressive Republican Theodore Roosevelt resurrected many Populist planks and re-cast them in new forms as he tentatively expanded federal regulations of business corporations. . . Other Populist planks -- particularly those calling for aid to farmers and employment on public works in time of depression -- became reality during the 1930s, under the New Deal administrations of Democrat Franklin Roosevelt." (Edwards, 1) In spite of these glimpses at relevance, the populist party and its call for populist government together demonstrated a misapprehension of America's structure and fundamental nature. Though the criticisms which it levied against the economic system were not totally unfounded, its uncompromising nature and expectation of the cure would be unrealistic. This idea that the population could be made to govern itself and to conduct its own business echoes the charming but ungrounded naivete found in Hightower's discussion. Here, we are shown a side of populism that springs more from anecdotal...

America was founded by wealthy elites whose primary interest was to create an independent economic and political body from which to strengthen an oversight over a new and promising enterprise. The general public had always been intended to function in the critical role of girding this enterprise with identity, labor and homesteading. In the midst of its performance of these responsibilities, it would also be given the opportunity to participate in the selection of its leaders. From the perspective of those who designed this nation, this was always intended to be the extent of popular input, with the ideals of populism reflecting a problematic and unrealistic deviation there from.
Works Cited:

Edwards, R. (2000). The Populist Party. Vassar College. Online at http://projects.vassar.edu/1896/populists.html

Hightower, J. (?). Daddy's Philosophy. The Seagull Reader: Essays, 2nd edition.