Religion, culture, and politics: interconnections and influences

Evans-Pritchard was the founder and first president of the Association of Social Anthropologists. His seminal work on indigenous, African tribes has preserved a unique perspective of primitive societies or societies that retain their aboriginal features even in modern times -- their mental processes more than the social constructs. This essay will present a societal perspective of the Azande tribes of southern Sudan. This research was conducted at a time when every Zande (singular for Azande) paid abeyance to either the British or the Arabs, whichever happened to wield influence at the time. The thesis of this essay: "The Azande society (as a whole) and each individual was driven by a quest to avoid the ill effects of witchcraft." The significance of witchcraft is necessitated by a unique context and definition. This entire essay is about defining societal ramifications of witchcraft among the Azande, which will make the meaning of witchcraft all too clear. The reader must dispel all visions of witches being burned at the stake as the opening sequence in the Shekhar Kapoor's "Elizabeth" (SalemWeb, 1992); nor should Azande witchcraft be associated with the excesses of the Spanish Inquisition in the name of Christianity. Witchcraft among the Azande was, to say the least, different. Moreover, this essay will argue that witchcraft for the Azande was really to gain ascendancy and control over their lives in a manner that no society has or ever will.

Ethnographers and anthropologists have often been accused of "falling in love" with the subjects of their research. References to the "noble savage" abound. Brian Morris raises (while not specifically mentioning it) an important point: "But Evans-Pritchard interprets the "mystical" domain (religion, witchcraft and magic) quite differently from the functionalist and symbolist anthropologist." (Evans-Pritchard, 1937) In the texts, the examples are very clear; where they are not, Evans-Pritchard says they aren't. There is no room for interpretations or implications. The text is comprehensive in what the Azande see as witchcraft.

In Germania, perhaps the original ethnological work, Tacitus compares his new research of the Germanic tribes to the current thriving of the Roman Empire. Tacitus is objective. He identifies the evolution of culture among the early Germanics and bemoans what he considers to be primitive and reprehensible. His work is unbiased. He even criticizes the Romans when compared to some aspects of the Germans. (Tacitus, 1877) In Witchcraft, Oracles... however, the very ideas that one can use to support Evans-Pritchard's objectivity, leave the reader unsatisfied. Evans-Pritchard makes no attempt to put certain Azande mores into modern perspective, other than the obvious "witches and witchcraft do not exist." Enough medical technology existed at the time of the writing the book that would have aided in identifying exactly the affliction by which a "witch" would be identified as possessed of witchcraft post mortem. The corpse of the purported witch was eviscerated and the small intestines were checked for a bolus of dark material -- witchcraft was considered an organic, tangible substance. There was no metaphysical bearing to witchcraft if it was not visually identified. Evans-Pritchard avers that this could merely be undigested food. Other opinions varied from "witchcraft" attached to the liver to the gall bladder to even the appendix (this is inferred from anatomical descriptions, though the word is not really mentioned). The author makes no attempt to clarify the concept of what the physical manifestation of witchcraft really is.

So what then is witchcraft as experienced by the Azande; and, how did it play a role in society? Man encounters good and evil constantly in: the world, society, and also within himself, the Azande believe the same. For the Azande, however, witchcraft is the embodiment of every evil or misfortune -- physical or emotional -- that a Zande experiences. From the mundane, the act of stubbing a toe and the resulting pain and bruising, to the emotional upheavals of discovering that one's spouse is in an adulterous relationship, to the more serious illness and death -- every one of these misfortunes is attributed to witchcraft.

Interestingly, the Zande does not ascribe these instances of witchcraft to divine providence or fate. While most modern societies recourse to God in times of need, Azande do not. For this tribe, the only divine being is M'bori (or M'boli). But man's relationship with this divine entity does not go beyond an invocation that could be easily transliterated as "By Jove (Jupiter)!!" To this reader, the novelty of the Azande behaviour, notwithstanding, this attempt to control their destinies in whatever way they can mirror (and perhaps, goes beyond) modern society. In today's world, science and technology enable modern man to seek solutions to several ills -- for our physical ills we have invented medicines; to make the world a global village -- we have easier access to travel and the ubiquitous Internet. There are however, differences among us. While some of us chalk occurrences in our lives to happenstance, there are others among us that work relentlessly to better our lives. Witchcraft among the Azande personifies the relentlessness of the latter. Every Zande bears this character.

Instead, the Azande seek solutions to their problems among those around them -- witches. These witches are normal human beings, not far removed from the afflicted person (sometimes even a blood-relation), that harbour ill will to the victim. The solution lies then in identifying the witch by means of oracles (one or more) or witch doctors, or both. Once the witch is identified, he or she is confronted. The confrontation is either direct, or ordered by the prince or ruler through an intermediary. Logically one would assume that the witch thus confronted would show affront. The idea of witchcraft as the only cause for any evil, however, so suffuses the Azande culture, that even the witch is not aware if he or she is indeed the cause of someone's misfortune or affliction. The witch relents and shows that he or she was not aware that he or she harboured witchcraft. The witch then makes attempts to minimize the effects of the witchcraft. If death occurs, then the identified witch is required to pay compensation. This is a nutshell presentation of how a Zande elucidates witchcraft and then makes attempts to rid him or herself of evil influences.

It deserves mention at this point, prior to a more detailed analysis, that the process (mentioned above) contains some glaring inconsistencies. Azande believe that witches normally form a cabal that gloats and celebrates the misfortunes they have wrought. But if accused, they show (justifiable) ignorance. Neither the Azande nor Evans-Pritchard attempts to explain this break in logic. Evans-Pritchard emphasizes that there is a certain method to exactly which situations the Azande blame on witchcraft. The Azande, according to the author, carefully identify situations that can be attributed to happenstance. He demonstrates that the Azande are capable of thought and deliberations. Why then is there no extrapolation to logically explain some coincidences rather than jumping to the conclusion that it is witchcraft? Is this intellectual laziness on the part of the Azande?

Evans-Pritchard tells of an instance where he responded to a hubbub outside his hut. People who resided in huts besides his showed him a glowing ball of fire floating in the darkness. This phenomenon was witchcraft initiated by a witch making its way to a hapless victim. The author explains it as a Zande walking with a clump of burning grass (for light) to answer nature's call. In relating this anecdote, there is no attempt on the part of the author to explain this to the Azande or an attempt to find this person and clear the issue.

So how do the Azande react to it, and attempt to exorcise it. Witches are born, not made; and, witchcraft is in their system. Witchcraft is transferred from father to son and mother to daughter. In an effort to prove that they are not witches, some Azande request the evisceration of deceased relatives in an effort to prove that they do not harbour witchcraft. Evans-Pritchard mentions one horrific event (and the only one to his knowledge), where a distraught man, on being accused of being a witch, killed his own son and eviscerated him to prove that he did not carry witchcraft. Typically, outward signs could not identify a witch, though some averred that a witch had red eyes. Instances of flies flying out of a corpse, that till forensic scientists showed otherwise, was used by proponents of creationism (other than William Paley's teleological "watch in the wilderness" experiment) was also used by the Azande to identify if a deceased had been a witch. Even among witches, older people were feared because they were considered to wield more power and could do more damage. On the other hand, the witchcraft ability of children was weak and not worthy of consideration. Some typical habits of birds and animals were associated with witchcraft: the hooting of the owl at night and the baying of dogs -- all portents of impending death. Others showed symptoms of portending misfortune for others but they were not considered witches. Among these were babies that cut they upper teeth before the lower ones and those that had problem with the gall bladder, as they were possessed of a foul demeanour and uneven temperament.

Evans-Pritchard best describes Azande perceptions of witchcraft:

They did not attempt to account for the existence of phenomena or even the action of phenomena, by mystical causation along. What they explained by witchcraft were the particular conditions in a chain of causation, which related an individual to natural happenings in such a way that he sustained injury. (67)

The author explains this illustrating how the Azande distinguished happenstance with coincidence. The stubbing (and consequent festering of the bruise) of the foot on a tree-stump while carelessly walking or the setting fire to the thatched roof of a hut while inspecting beer are not due to witchcraft. However, when these occurrences cause harm in a manner out of the ordinary is when they are attributed to witchcraft. Witchcraft is necessary to explain these harmful occurrences fully; it answered the questions "why" better than "how." Evans-Pritchard avers that the Azande do distinguish situations where carelessness, stupidity and inexperience cause harm. These situations are ignored as just those. Sometimes, a Zande would attribute his carelessness and stupidity to witchcraft; at these times, others would see through the charade and he or she would be laughed at.

In the case of death, however, the Azande always believed it to be result of witchcraft and never due to natural or causes that can be explained. Only in cases where a sorcerer used magic was death sought by the vengeful. Vengeance was generally achieved not by punishment, but by appeasement. A witch and his family were required to compensate by means of spears and other commodities, including servants and women. The finality of death was beyond their grasp and therefore the only recourse was witchcraft. "That the soul of the witchcraft goes by night and devours the soul of the victim." (82) The constant struggle between the tangible and ephemeral is evident here. The Azande's recourse is not one of pro-action but re-action. They do not establish tenets of witchcraft by which to live, but their behaviour in society is governed by witchcraft. Perhaps an instinctual component was part of Azande subconscious -- its mores were inherently flimsy and it was not worth taking a life in an "eye for an eye, tooth for a tooth" manner.

If every bad thing that ever happened were attributed to witchcraft, it is conceivable that the Azande would not have the time to engage in any other activity. Typically, witchcraft was so ingrained in Azande customs that mundane occurrences were merely attributed to witchcraft and ignored. It was only when serious illness or emotional and social upheavals occurred that a Zande sought to do something about it. They consulted oracles.

Oracles were perhaps the most important accessories in the life of a Zande if he or she were to conceive a life that approached normalcy -- a life that would allow him to do well by himself and his kin. An oracle was basically a medium that answered most of life's questions. It was based on probabilities more akin to the (1-0) binary digits that are the core of computer-logic. Oracles gave answers of "yes" or "no" to different questions. For a Zande, more often than not, questions were related to identifying witches that caused harm or in the aid of a decision of a venture -- a hunting expedition, building a home or marriage. Witch doctors were often consulted at seances, though oracles were considered to be more accurate and reliable. Surprisingly, apart from at a seance, witch doctors were not accorded any special place in society.

Different types of oracles were used. Each differed in type and mode of use. Azande also had opinions of the efficacy of each oracle. The poison oracle was considered to be the most effective. A strychnine-derivative benge was extracted from a vine. The paste was then fed to a chicken while it was asked a question. The answers depended on what question was asked and whether the chicken succumbed to the poison. The second question was always asked to validate the first. The second time, the results either confirmed the oracle or invalidated the previous results. The vagaries in the results depended on how much poison was extracted (based on primitive methods of extraction), how much poison the paste contained, how uniformly it was distributed throughout the paste and how much poison was actually administered to the chicken.

Occasionally, the poison was discarded as too potent (or too weak) to be useful as the oracle. Other times, the failure of this oracle was attributed to further witchcraft that had rendered the oracle ineffectual. One drawback of this oracle, besides being considered the best was its affordability. Few could afford the number of chickens it took to identify the witches, especially if there results were confusing or if there were more than one witches to be identified. Evans-Pritchard avers that most Azande almost looked forward to consulting the poison oracle. Such was the faith in the oracle as the first step towards a solution to the current affliction.

There were other oracles that were considered less effective. These had the advantage of affordability and portability. There of these were: dapka (termite oracle), mapingo (an arrangement of wood) and iwo (rubbing-board oracle).

Some Azande carried the iwo with them such that they would never be far from an instant consultation. The termite oracle consisted of the branches of two trees dapka and kpoyo. These were inserted into a termite mound -- as termites were considered oblivious to people's talk and thus could not be influenced. Even among termites, the akedo and angbatimongo types were considered to be reliable while the abio termites were often known to "lie." The oracle's decision depended on which of the two sticks the termites chose to eat.

The mapingo was an arrangement of three evenly cut similar sticks, two were placed parallel to each other and the third was placed on top. The answer to a question would be answered depending on whether the wooden arrangement held or fell apart. The mapingo was often used to make a determination if a site was the right one on which to build a homestead. The dapka and mapingo were disadvantageous if an instant decision was required. They involved a nights wait to determine which wood was eaten by the termites or if the wooden pieces scattered.

The rubbing board oracle consisted two parts: the female part was a flat table like structure standing on three legs -- the third leg was differently constructed and was called the tail; the male portion was a flat region that matched the female part and it had a handle. Berries and fruits were crushed with water between the two flat regions. The rubbing-board oracle's decisions depend on whether the two flat portions can be easily if rocked back and forth.

No action was taken without consulting the oracles. A special status was accorded to a witch. The victim or the kin had to proceed cautiously since they did not want to exacerbate the affliction by aggravating the witch -- who was believed to possess special powers. The less frequently used method was to raise a hue and cry by attracting the tribe and announcing the affliction and knowledge of who the witch was without divulging the name. The announcer would plead with the witch that this assembly was called to honour the witch and he would repay the courtesy by revoking the power of the witchcraft.

Direct confrontation was the alternatively: directly by the kin of the victim or by complaining to the prince. The prince, presented with the wing of the dead chicken (poison oracle), would appoint an emissary to present the wing to the witch. The emissary would cautiously and respectfully announce that the witch had been identified as afflicting the victim. Azande recognized that witchcraft could be transferred even when the witch was ignorant of it; therefore their accusations were couched in polite language. The witch when confronted with the wing, sought to assuage the emissary and the victim's kin that he or she was ignorant of the witchcraft, that it was unintentional. He demonstrated his benignity by swilling a mouthful of water and blowing it at the chicken wing. This was to show that the water had calmed the witchcraft (if any) that resided in his belly rendering it dormant. It behoved the accused not to show affront (though instances of these were recorded by the author) to prevent being ostracized and victimized by others.

Under more drastic conditions, the accused would recourse to a post mortem evisceration of his kin to prove innocence. If this final step still showed witchcraft, the "witch" was forced to pay compensation. Often, the victim's condition got worse or resulted in death. In these cases, the victim's kin decided that the witch was insincere and did not quell the witchcraft. In that case, the witch was required to pay compensation. Sometimes, after time had elapsed and a kin of the witch died, the witch demanded a post mortem to discover witchcraft. If witchcraft was not found in the entrails of the deceased, the original victim's kin had to repay the witch as he or she had been absolved. The quest for the real witch then began afresh by re-consulting the oracles using the name of another potential witch.

An interesting pragmatism arises in the Azande's quest for seeking solutions to personal ills and misfortunes. Since the oracles provided "yes" or "no" answers to queries and not the names of witches, whose names were used before the oracles? Consider the easy transference of witchcraft through the ether: even a malicious thought could cause untold harm. Therefore every other Azande was a possible suspect. As Evans-Pritchard so succinctly puts it: "The Zande himself is first to declare that 'the Azande are an evil people, they are uncharitable to one another'." (102) Therefore enemies were the first to be named. Even if they were not witches, the "guilty until proven innocent" approach would result in the enemies' discomfiture. A Zande, in this regard, had to be careful. His or her actions could easily backfire. Logically, it would make sense to question or accuse somebody that had caused bodily or emotional harm and had caused the victim or the potential witch to be enemies. Starting from this group of enemies potential witches were sought in increasing concentric circles.

The above pragmatism can be extended to social hierarchy in Azande society as it related to witchcraft. They consisted to rulers or princes (since women at every level were accorded second-class status), those favoured by the rulers, the wealthy commoners and at the bottom rung -- the poor commoners. The idea of witchcraft for the Azande permeated all levels. Wealth or social standing did not exempt anyone. However, in identifying potential witches before oracles and making accusations, the Azande never crossed social boundaries. The process generally occurred within a social class. The only time a social superior was involved, was as a mediator or arbiter. Perhaps, instinctually recognizing the potential fallacy with the process, those lower did not want to incur the wrath of the more powerful. Sometimes a "nouveau riche" among the Azande might accuse a poorer person of witchcraft on account of envy.

Just as in modern society where certain people are despised because of their characters, behaviours and dispositions, it is the same with the Azande. Except with the Azande, men exhibiting these characteristics are called witches. Witchcraft, among the Azande, was therefore identified with immorality, dishonesty, selfishness, hatred, envy and greed. People openly displaying a value system based on the above were likely to be considered as witches. Their names would head the queries to oracles when misfortune struck.