Roles of Japanese Emperors 1863-1945

Roles of Japanese Emperors 1863-1945

An Analysis of the Respective Roles of Japanese Emperors: 1863-1945

Today, Japan stands side by side with many of the Western nations of the world in terms of its political philosophy and free market economy, but it has not always been thus. In fact, many contemporary observers would be surprised at just how much political intrigue and maneuvering took place over the past century and a half to arrive at this position today. The recent anniversary of the 60th anniversary of V-J Day only serves to reinforce just how far Japan has come in recent years, from a country than was virtually devastated to one that can compete on equal terms with any nation in the world. To determine how Japan has come to this phase in its history, this paper will provide an analysis of the respective roles played by the emperors Meiji, Taisho and Showa in modern Japanese history during the period 1863 to 1945, followed by a summary of the research and salient findings in the conclusion.

Review and Discussion.

Today, the Japanese government is widely regarded as a strong state, and it is also well-known for its intimate ties between the state and the industrial sector (van Wolfren, 1989); however, the path the country took to achieve this state is both convoluted and characterized by intrigue and crises. In his book, Inventing Japan: 1853-1964, Buruma describes the reinvention of the Japanese nation today from the Meiji era through the empire of the 1930s and destruction in 1945, to the westernization that took place in the post World War II era; however, some contemporary observers of Japan maintain that Japan is still a feudal society but that now the lords are the corporations; however, for much of its history, Japan was ruled by a series of emperors who enjoyed the status of gods and the adulation of the general populace (Renshaw, 1999). According to their essay, "The rise and fall of the sun," Emmott and Allardice (2003) report that it was in 1853 that ships from the United States first appeared in Tokyo Bay and compelled the Japanese leaders to open up their country to international commerce. At the time, these authors describe Japan as being a "fairly poor, feudal place that had cut itself off from the outside world for about 200 years. Afraid of being overrun by Christian missionaries and European colonialists, Japan's warlord rulers had driven out the Christians and then banned all contact except with a single nation, Holland, and through a single trading post, an island off Nagasaki" (p. 70).

As the result of increasing internal instability, combined with fear of western power, the Japanese made the decision to take another course of action by opening up their markets and their country to these outside forces and try to become sufficiently powerful to survive and even compete. "Unlike 19th-century China (but very like the China of today)," the authors advise, "it decided that in order to beat, or at least fend off, the outside world it had better learn from it, absorbing technology and even political and social ideas. Yet in order to do so while remaining Japanese, a powerful defensive mechanism was erected: the emperor, and a whole series of newly invented nationalist myths" (p. 70). As a result, by 1964, when the Olympic Games were held in Tokyo, Japan was approaching its current status as one of the richest countries in the world (Emmott & Alardice, 2003). The road to this enviable position, though, was a rocky one and was characterized by much political intrigue, violence and social upheaval, factors that are discussed according to the respective reigns of the emperors involved below.

Meiji. Prior to the Meiji Restoration of 1868, Japan was governed by a number of samurai overlords; the most powerful of these overlords was the shogun of the Tokugawa lineage; at the time, Japanese society was divided into four statuses: samurai, farmers, artisans, and merchants (Ryang, 2003). Above these statuses was the Imperial family, which had no real power, but was afforded symbolic significance of the guardian of the rites of passage. "For example, every time the shogun was replaced, the Emperor nominally endorsed it" (Ryang, 2003 p. 18). In 1868, though, the imperial court, with the support of the domains of Choshu (western Honshu) and Satsuma (southern Kyushu) restored political authority to the emperor, and Japan entered a new era with the young Meiji emperor being installed as emperor (Hane, 1996). In fact, the Meiji Constitution established the tenet that "the Emperor is sacred and inviolable" (Dobson & Hook, 2003).

According to Hane, "The sudden cultural, political, economic, social, and intellectual incursions from the West had an impact on the society that was as great, or even more dramatic, as the importation of Chinese culture had been in the past" (p. 4). The restoration of the imperial court to power is known today as the "Meiji Restoration"; these events set Japan on the path of an economic and military buildup, with the slogan adopted by the Meiji government being "rich country, strong military" (Hane, 1996 p. 4). At that time, the bakufu and daimyo domains were abolished, and the entire country was placed under the jurisdiction of the Meiji government; further, certain aspects of Western political and legal institutions were adopted and the feudal class system was abolished, to be replaced with the radical new institution of private ownership of land; however, Jansen (2002) suggests that the urban and rural protests that emerged in 19th-century Japanese did not in reality play a very significant role in the fall of the bakufu in the 1860s; in this regard, Jansen emphasizes that social change may have in fact been continuous, but that there was nevertheless "a remarkable dearth of suggestions for changing society" (p. 255). Rather, this author maintains that the Japanese tolerated inequity and inequality, and that it would be erroneous to assume that the typical Japanese citizen was dissatisfied with the status quo.

In addition, Western industries and technology were imported, and the Meiji government encouraged growth in both industry and trade. Furthermore, a modern army and navy, with universal military conscription, was also established. The reforms did not end there though. Perhaps most importantly, a system of universal education was introduced, and emulation of Western art, literature, and culture followed; however, the Western liberal ideals of freedom, democracy, people's rights, and equality were not equally embraced by the Japanese leadership despite the original call for "enlightenment and civilization" by an influential group of Japanese who were in favor of still more westernization (Hane, 1996).

By the mid-1880s, the Japanese educational system had been transformed from the earlier liberal approach to a highly centralized system designed to indoctrinate students in a Shintoistic imperial credo that supported the myth of the imperial descent from the Sun Goddess (Hane, 1996). As a result, the concept of "cult of the emperor" was widely cultivated in all Japanese subjects to further these nationalistic feelings. In addition, traditional Confucian ideals were emphasized in the schools through a curriculum focused on appropriate conduct and the importance of "knowing one's proper place" (Hane, 1996 p. 4)

According to Renshaw (1999), the reopening of Japan and the end of the isolation of the Tokugawa era from the Western world came in 1858 with the arrival of Admiral Perry's "black ships" (kurofune); the display and use of foreign armed might and technology compelled the opening of Japan's borders to the outside world. This traumatic episode in Japan's history would have important implications for the emperor's successors; in fact, Renshaw suggests that modern analysts attribute Japan's attempt to create a 20th-century empire, the East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, in part to this event and from a determination not to be invaded, again either intellectually or physically. "The Western world's forced entry in the nineteenth century," Renshaw says, "combined with internal pressures toward change, precipitated the beginning of the Meiji era in 1868" (p. 68). At that time, the emperor was returned to power, enthroned in Tokyo, and his role was used by the successful junta to consolidate its power. Thereafter, Japan advanced quickly to successfully become an industrial power as it responded to the crisis of identity brought about by this forced entry of foreigners, as well as their superior technology and military might (Renshaw, 1999).

In his book, Japan and the United States, 1853-1921, Treat (1928) reports that, "During these first years of Meiji, changes of all kinds were introduced. Feudalism was abolished by 1871, and national progress under a strong central government was now possible. A national army and navy were commenced to take the place of the feudal levies" (p. 101). Beyond these initiatives, a wide range of other investments were made in the country industrial infrastructure; for example, railways were introduced and telegraph lines were constructed. In addition, various educational reforms were examined for their applicability to the Japanese lifestyle. Furthermore, Treat points out that the great law of 1872, which was unique in Asia but was appropriate for the time, established the basis for a system that would provide the opportunities of education to every child in the empire. "No action of the leaders of the early Meiji period was productive of happier results than this" he adds (Treat, 1928 p. 101). By 1872, the issue of foreign treaties assumed increasing importance with regard to Japan's foreign relations over the next 22 years (Treat, 1928).

The research shows that the Meiji era originally brought an opening of women's horizons and great hope for bettering the quality of women's lives, as well as the lives of the whole population Meiji's roles for the populace were initially ill defined and were ultimately manufactured by his keepers (the genro et al.) to be the "father of the people" -- a paternal symbol, a warrior leader and spiritual figurehead. His close advisor's actions are key in this argument. His role for his keepers was as, initially, a political tool used to carve out power an authority for the new, fledgling government and eventually once governmental authority was solidified and operational he was used first and foremost for propaganda (not necessarily negative) in the creation maintenance of "national sprit." In the final analysis, Meiji himself, however, was a strong and intelligent character. His personal attributes should not be underestimated despite his circumstances. In fact, this era was characterized by a number of important social and political initiatives.

For example, in 1889, a constitution that assigned sovereignty to the emperor was adopted and a parliament (with limited male franchise, called the Diet), was established. The Diet was comprised of two houses (the "House of Peers, which was composed of members from the newly established system of nobility, and the House of Representatives; however, the actual power was held by a close knit group of court advisers, an oligarchy that came to be known as the genro ("the elder statesmen") (Hane, 1996).

The Japanese national economy steadily developed and prospered during the Meiji years, and by the turn of the 20th century, Japan had joined the international community as a modern industrial nation. According to Hane, the most impressive gains were realized in the textile industry, with Japan assuming a leading role as one of the world's major producers of silk; further, mining, the iron industry, shipbuilding and other strategic industries were all promoted by the Japanese government.

According to Hane, "Commercial, financial, and industrial enterprises became concentrated in the holdings of a handful of major companies, and conglomerates known as zaibatsu (financial cliques) eventually dominated the economy" (1996 p. 5). At the time, the Mitsui and Mitsubishi companies secured monopolistic control over critical segments of the Japanese economy; however, the typical Japanese worker continued to be subjected to low wages, long hours, and harsh working conditions (Hane, 1996). In addition, the government, in support of influential big businesses, moved to restrict any effort to effectively organize any type of labor union. While the process of industrialization was ongoing, the country still remained predominantly agrarian, and the peasants remained impoverished, with the percentage of tenant farmers continuously rising. During the early period of the Meiji era, 20% of the land was farmed by tenant farmers; indeed, this figure increased to 45% by 1910 and by the mid-1940s, fully 70% of the farmers were tenant farmers or were renting part of their farmland. "Poverty compelled many poor workers and farmers to sell their daughters to houses of prostitution, whose existence was legal in prewar Japan" (Hane, 1996 p. 5). It became increasingly clear by the end of the Meiji emperor's reign that political rulers in Japan no longer enjoyed the luxury of ignoring the power of elected representatives in the Diet, and that one party above all, the Seiy-kai, had crafted a cohesive system that was able to control a majority of Diet representatives (Gordon, 2003).

Taisho. Taisho's roles are a bit problematic for contemporary analysts. His physical and mental ill health reduced him to being a caretaker emperor, during a socially transitional period. The myths and scaffolding propping up Meiji's roles were maintained as best and for as long as possible until his son, Hirohito, assumed the throne as regent -- prior to Taisho's death. Taisho's "roles" in the "Taisho democracy" were characterized by a number of critical episodes, the impact of which would not be felt until later in the 20th century (Gordon, 2003). According to this author:

From its founding in 1900 through 1912 the Seiy-kai was the only effective political party in the national Diet. At this point, the greatest political confrontation since the inauguration of Diet politics in 1890 took place. It unfolded just months after the death of the Meiji emperor in July 1912, which began the reign of his son, the Taish? emperor. The political battle that began that autumn was aptly labeled the 'Taish? political crisis.' (p. 129).

While there were a number of controversies emerging during this period in Japanese history, the major political battle that confronted Emperor Taish? took place in November 1912 when Prime Minister Saionji faced increasing pressure from the army to provide resources for two new divisions, at a minimum, as part of a larger plan to expand the military; this initiative had already been approved by the Japanese government in general terms in 1906; however, the prime minister wanted to constrain government expenses and refused funding for the two new divisions. In response, Gordon reports that the minister of the army resigned in protest and the military refused to supply a replacement (by law, the ministers of the army or navy had to be active duty officers). "Unable to form a cabinet, Saionji resigned" (Gordon, 2003 p. 129). Following the Taish? political crisis of 1913, demands for a "constitutional government" for Japan won a firm majority in the Diet election of 1924 (Gordon, 2003).

Showa (formerly Hirohito). Hirohito's roles are numerous and complicated; encompassing the periods of "Taisho democracy," militarism, imperialism war and total defeat. Like his grandfather, Hirohito was strong and intelligent character. In my research, his role as a warrior and imperialist emperor are foci, however, his role as a "god," a descendent of the "sun goddess" and how this role was used in social repression as well as military expansion are central to the thesis "the people" were led astray by spiritual falsehoods, knowingly imposed by political and military maneuvers.

In his essay, "Emperor Hirohito: The God Who Fell to Earth," Lamont-Brown (2001) suggests that, "Hirohito is not an easy candidate for biography. He was not fond of the company of others; he was a reticent speaker, wary of revealing his inner thoughts; he wrote no personal reminiscences and until the post-war years was unknown as a flesh and blood person to his teeming subjects" (p. 49). Nevertheless, until the end of World War II in 1945, Emperor Hirohito was regarded as a living god and he remains an interesting as well as complex political figure in 20th century Japanese and international history (Lamont-Brown, 2001). Hirohito's reign began in 1926, when Japan was once again concerned with the country's status with, and for, China; his rule continued throughout World War II and thereafter; however, even before the war had ended, Hirohito and his aides had been creating a defense for him in case he was called before the War Crimes Tribunal, which the Japanese high command believed to be inevitable (Lamont-Brown, 2001). According to this author:

From the 1920s, the complete involvement of Hirohito with the emergent Japanese war machine was known to dissident watchers in Japan. To the world he proclaimed that he was a constitutional monarch. After all, his aides pointed out, he had only intervened twice in Japanese politics, once in 1936 to confound an attempted coup by young army officers and again in August 1945 to force surrender. (Lamont-Brown, 2001 p. 49).