Tariff
The Intentions of Tariffs: Purposes Behind the Proposed 40% Anti-Dumping Duty on Manufactured Imports
Tariffs have been proposed in many different circumstances for a wide variety of reasons, and modern times are no different. In general, anti-dumping duties are imposed to prevent incredibly low prices on imported goods from competing with local producers and manufacturers that face higher costs (and thus deliver a higher cost product). Competitiveness of domestic manufacturers remains a large motivating factor in many tariffs imposed by varying national governments today, and are a feature of several countries with otherwise protective economies as well. Maintaining domestic competitiveness is not the only reason that imports are taxed by national governments, however, and this section will explore various possibilities as to the intent of the 40% tariff on imported manufactured goods.
Sometimes it is not direct competitiveness that it is hoped will be gained through the initiation of tariffs, but rather the stimulation of industry higher up in the supply chain that drives economic directors to impose these taxes. This is at least partially the case with proposed tariffs in Mexico, which it is predicted would reduce the country's importation of capital goods and, it is hoped by some, spur the domestic production of these goods (Kosteas 2008). Others contend that this would instead slow the development of Mexico's economy when the lack of capital goods leads to a lessened degree of productivity, but this would certainly not be the intent of the tariffs (Kosteas 2008). Regardless of which side of this debate might prove correct, tariffs can be implemented with the intention of expanding domestic industry.
Direct competitiveness is still a major reason for the imposition of tariffs, however, and often this is seen as the only way to create a truly fair and balance playing field, especially with modern shipping capabilities and the disparity in international wealth. Discussions of a tariff on tires imported from China grew rather pointed in the past year, with what one analyst described as "cheating" taking place on the part of Chinese tire manufacturers and importers, who flooded the American market with product that was much cheaper -- due to vastly cheaper labor costs, primarily -- than anything that could be produced domestically (Paul 2009). This had led to a significant loss in market share and attendant job loss in the American tire manufacturing industry, and arguments were made before Congress urging a progressive tariff on Chinese imports to allow the American industry time to adjust and regain a competitive foothold with the Chinese manufacturers (Paul 2009).
At times, worries about future competitiveness can also lead to tariffs in a way that is somewhat the opposite of the domestic-stimulating intent of such taxes. In India, a rapidly expanding sugar growing and refining industry is expected to suffer an extreme bounce-back of output for various reasons, leaving the entire industry vulnerable to foreign competition during a time of transition (Dutta 2010). In anticipation of higher per-unit costs for Indian sugar growers and refineries, the government is already considering a tariff on refined sugars being imported into the country (Dutta 2010). In this case, the tariff is meant to protect an already expanding industry rather than to try to stimulate further growth, but the tariff is the same.
In another offshoot of the need to maintain competitiveness, tariffs can also be imposed with the intention of correcting what are perceived as existing unfair advantages. For years, Brazil had imposed a twenty-percent tariff on all imported ethanol, effectively eliminating the domestic industry's foreign competitors -- primarily the United States -- and saw this tariff as especially necessary due to the subsidies that the United States government pays its corn farmers and ethanol producers (Kagan 2010). Brazil still has cheaper labor costs, more efficient means of production and a side industry that makes the production of ethanol more profitable, and these advancements have recently begun to be seen as enough to warrant healthy competition with the United States despite continued subsidies (Kagan 2010). The tariff existed, however, because these natural advantages were not originally enough to compete with the United States' ability to provide subsidies (Kagan 2010).
Brazil made tariff news again earlier this year when it cut another tariff for an entirely different reason. Citing a drop in the domestic production of cotton, the Brazilian government moved to end a ten percent tariff on cotton imports that has been in effect for years (YNFX 2010). In this instance, the tariff was originally put into place in order to protect domestic production efforts, and the suspension of the tariff's only a temporary measure in order to ensure that adequate supplies...
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