Hispanic Groups in the U.S.: Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Colombian
This paper examines four major Hispanic subgroups in the United States—Mexican-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Colombians—challenging the common misconception that the Latino population is monolithic. Drawing on U.S. Census data and scholarly sources, the paper compares each group's demographic profile, geographic concentration, economic circumstances, cultural characteristics, and motivations for migration. It highlights key differences such as Puerto Ricans' unique status as U.S. citizens, the political roots of Cuban immigration, and the class-based patterns among Colombians, while also identifying shared traits including Catholicism, urban settlement, extended family structures, and economic hardship.
- Introduction: The Diversity of Hispanic America: Challenges monolithic view of U.S. Hispanic population
- Demographics and Cultural Overview: Census data, religion, age, and family structure
- Mexican-Americans: The Southwest and Los Angeles: Settlement history, poverty, and labor market in LA
- Cuban Americans: Florida and Political Exile: Post-revolution migration and Miami's economic role
- Puerto Ricans and Colombians: Migration Patterns and Challenges: Economic migration, health, and class divisions
- Conclusion: Shared Traits and Distinct Identities: Shared language and urban settlement across groups
✍️ How to write this paper — guide, tools & examples ▾
What makes this paper effective
- It uses concrete Census data and cited statistics to ground comparative claims about four distinct Hispanic subgroups, avoiding vague generalization.
- It consistently distinguishes between political and economic motivations for immigration, showing analytical depth rather than treating all migration as identical.
- It addresses intersecting factors — gender roles, language, religion, economics, and legal status — giving a multidimensional portrait of each community.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper employs comparative group analysis: rather than treating Hispanics as a single category, it systematically examines each subgroup on the same set of variables (geographic concentration, economic status, migration motivation, cultural traits). This parallel structure makes similarities and differences immediately visible and demonstrates how demographic data can be used to challenge oversimplified narratives.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens by establishing the central argument — that Hispanic America is not monolithic — then provides a broad demographic overview before moving through each subgroup in turn. Mexican-Americans receive the most detailed treatment, including urban poverty data for Los Angeles. Cuban, Puerto Rican, and Colombian groups follow, each analyzed through their own historical and economic lens. A brief conclusion draws the groups back together around shared characteristics. The reference list includes government sources, peer-reviewed journals, and academic monographs.
Introduction: The Diversity of Hispanic America
Many commentators speak of the Hispanic population in the United States as if it were monolithic and uniform, which it is not. Several different groups can be identified by country of origin, even though all might be grouped together under the labels "Hispanic" or "Latino." Four such groups are Mexican-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Colombians, and Cubans. These groups differ on several cultural measures as well as in terms of their distinct histories and differing routes to the United States.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the Latino population in America is self-identified in Census 2000 data showing a total population of 281,421,906, with non-Hispanic or Latino persons numbering 246,116,088. This means that roughly 13% of the population identified as Latino or Hispanic (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000, p. 3).
Demographics and Cultural Overview
The Latino population across the country is overwhelmingly Catholic in religion, and it is also a highly religious community overall. The largest proportion of Latinos in America are Mexican (58.5% of the total), followed by Puerto Rican (9.6%), Cuban (3.5%), Dominican (2.2%), and Central American (4.8%), with others from South America (3.8%) and other areas (17.6%) (U.S. Hispanic/Latino Population, 2004).
Overall, the Hispanic population in America is younger than the non-Hispanic White population. Some 29.6% of Hispanics are under 15, compared to 20.4% of non-Hispanic Whites, while roughly twice as many non-Hispanic Whites are 55 years old and over. The median age of the Latino population is 26.7 years, about nine years less than that of the non-Hispanic White population (Del Pinal, 2001). The social structure for Latinos tends more toward the extended family.
One theme cited by various writers is the subsidiary role of Latinas in Latino culture and the prevalence of a macho culture among immigrants, carried over from their countries of origin. Bourgois (1996) finds this pattern among Puerto Ricans in New York City, particularly among a "growing cohort of marginalized men in the de-industrialized urban economy" (p. 412).
Puerto Rican immigrants to the United States differ from other Hispanic immigrant groups in one key respect: Puerto Ricans are already American citizens, whereas other immigrants must be naturalized to obtain citizenship.
Mexican-Americans: The Southwest and Los Angeles
The Mexican-American population is largest in the Southwest. Latinos in that region form a distinct subculture with two distinguishable elements: a native-born population and an immigrant population. The immigrant population is further differentiated between documented and undocumented individuals, depending on how the immigrant arrived and what their legal status is. Los Angeles served as one of the regions of California with a large Hispanic population from its earliest days — a community held over from the era before American settlement — and the presence of this established community drew additional migrants northward to join it. Another factor drawing migrants was the importance of agriculture in Southern California; many Hispanics moving into the region had previously been employed in agriculture in their countries of origin. Earlier in the twentieth century, urban and rural agricultural areas were closer together than they are today because of settlement patterns, meaning that Hispanics could live in the city and commute to the fields (Sanchez, 1993, pp. 68–69).
The Hispanic population in Los Angeles today shows a high rate of poverty. Among two-parent families, approximately 17% live in poverty — more than twice the rate for Black and White families. The absence of a male parent is associated with an even higher poverty rate of 46% (Steinberg, Lyon, & Vaiana, 1992, p. 87). The Hispanic population increased greatly during the 1980s while the Anglo and African-American populations decreased. Hispanics now constitute about 40% of the total Los Angeles population, though they are distributed unevenly across different parts of the city, a pattern reflected in school enrollment as well.
The large influx of Hispanics into Los Angeles coincided with the loss of thousands of unionized blue-collar jobs in the area, which has had a significant effect on the overall economy. The median income in California is $36,000, while in Los Angeles it is less than $31,000. Statewide, 12.5% of residents live in poverty, compared to 18.5% in the city. The median income for Hispanics in Los Angeles is $28,200, only slightly higher than for Black residents (The City in Crisis, 1992, pp. 34–39).
Conclusion: Shared Traits and Distinct Identities
Language is the primary element shared by these four groups, though all have a segment of their population that experiences economic hardship in their new land even when they find opportunities better than those available in their homelands. All of the groups have tended to congregate in large cities — many in Florida and New York — with a greater concentration of Mexican-Americans in San Diego and Los Angeles. These groups have also increasingly spread throughout the country over time.
Despite sharing a common language and a broadly Catholic religious tradition, Mexican-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Colombians are distinct communities shaped by different histories, different migration motivations, and different economic realities. Treating them as a single, undifferentiated Hispanic population obscures important variation and impedes a clear understanding of the challenges and contributions of each group.
References
Aysa-Lastra, M. (2007, May). Diaspora philanthropy: The Colombia experience. www.tpi.org/downloads/pdfs/Colombia_Diaspora_Philanthropy_Final.pdf.
Bourgois, P. (1996). In search of masculinity. British Journal of Criminology, 36(3), 412–426.
The city in crisis (1992). Los Angeles: Board of Police Commissioners.
Del Pinal, J. (2004). The Hispanic population. U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved September 9, 2007, from
Enchautegui, M. E. (2005). Selectivity patterns in Puerto Rican migration. Retrieved September 9, 2007, from
McHugh, K. E., Miyares, I. M., & Skop, E. H. (1997, October). The magnetism of Miami: Segmented paths in Cuban migration. Geographical Review, 87(4), 504–519.
Overview of race and Hispanic origin 2000 (2001, March). Census 2000 Brief. Retrieved September 9, 2007, from
Portes, A. (1987, October). The social origins of the Cuban enclave economy of Miami. Sociological Perspectives, 30(4), 340–372.
Robison, J., Gruman, C., Gaztambide, A., & Blank, K. (2002). Screening for depression in middle-aged and older Puerto Rican primary care patients. The Journals of Gerontology Series A: Biological Sciences and Medical Sciences, 57, M308–M314.
Sanchez, G. J. (1993). Becoming Mexican-American. New York: Oxford University Press.
Steinberg, J. B., Lyon, D. W., & Vaiana, M. E. (1992). Urban America. Rand Corporation.
U.S. Hispanic/Latino Population, 2000 (2004). Infoplease. Retrieved October 9, 2007, from
Always verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.