This paper presents a structural assessment of a large Latter-day Saints (LDS) family consisting of a widowed mother, twelve adult children, fifty-six grandchildren, and eighteen great-grandchildren. The assessment is organized across three dimensions: internal structure (family composition, gender roles, sibling ranking, and subsystems), external connections (spousal ties, extended family, education, and vocation), and contextual factors (ethnicity, socioeconomic standing, religious beliefs, and geographic distribution). The paper draws on research linking family structure to mental health outcomes and moral authority, situating this family's notably low rate of individual disorders within the context of its strong marital stability, religious cohesion, and shared values.
The family chosen for this assessment is a large family that seemed likely to provide plenty of interesting anomalies and peculiarities. The structural assessment of the family includes three aspects: (1) internal, (2) external, and (3) contextual. The internal aspect is composed of who is in the family and how they are connected.
This family has two parents — a man and a woman — although the father recently passed away. The family is composed of 12 children: eight boys and four girls. The mother is 70 years of age, and the children range in age from 30 to 54 years old. The children are all married (or have been) and all have produced offspring. Additionally, a number of those offspring have reached an age at which they are capable of reproducing, and as a result there are great-grandchildren as well, with more expected. The majority of the offspring are male, but approximately 45% are female. Many of the offspring share a family name, and all are connected through a strong sense of family identity.
The family believes that all cousins, nephews, nieces, the children's spouses, and the spouses of the children's children are family members as well. The family is also united by religion and shared beliefs. All of the children are members of the same religion — the Latter-day Saints (LDS) — with only one child currently in a non-active role within the church. The LDS religion requires members to abstain from alcohol, drugs, tobacco, and other addictive substances. Church members are also expected to be morally clean, and sexual relations outside of marriage are prohibited.
The female role is considered to be of the highest order, with motherhood regarded as a calling of grave importance. The male role is considered to be that of provider and supporter of the family. Together, husband and wife are expected to teach their children the standards and beliefs of the church. This does not mean that women do not work outside the home — many do. It also does not mean that the male is the ultimate authority in all matters, although the power of the priesthood does reside on the male side within the faith. There is a strong belief in family, and marriage between a man and a woman is considered a foundational standard. One recent study determined that "it is families, not isolated individuals that must be the fundamental sources of moral authority" (Erickson, 2010, p. 601), and that principle is certainly adhered to by this particular family.
The family's sexual orientation closely aligns with their LDS beliefs, with no family member expressing any orientation other than heterosexuality. There are no members of the family who openly — or privately, as far as anyone knows — identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender. This may be attributable to the strong LDS beliefs with which the family members were raised, since the church's teachings do not permit same-sex marriage, and belief in marriage is a constant among all family members.
The average length of marriage for all the children is over 20 years. Of the 12 children, one is widowed, one has been married twice and is currently living with a third partner, and one has been married three times. The remaining nine children have all remained married to their original spouse. This pattern may be a contributing factor to the notably low rate of individual disorders among the family members.
One study found that lone mothers "had higher rates of disorder for major depression, mania, panic, and SUD" (Wade, Veldhuizen, & Cairney, 2011, p. 569), while the same study showed that lone fathers "had higher rates of major depression, SUD, overall mood disorders, and presence of any mood, anxiety, or SUD" (p. 569). This family has no lone mothers or fathers, which may help explain the low rate of disorders among its members.
The ranking system within the family is loosely observed, with the oldest son — and first child — typically holding sway during family councils or meetings. Curiously, however, the second child (also male) seems to be listened to more carefully than the first. This may be due to the perception that the second child is considerably more level-headed. The third and fourth children were both males; the fifth child was the first girl, and it is quite evident that she was a "spoiled" child — she displays an aggressive temperament and is very outspoken. The next two children were both males, born one year and one day apart, and they share a very close relationship. The eighth child was a girl; the ninth and tenth were twin boys; and the eleventh and twelfth children were both girls. The last child is widely regarded within the family as another spoiled child, which is not surprising given that she was the last to leave home.
With so many children in the family, it is not surprising to find numerous subsystems within the family structure. The first four boys form a group that is relatively close in age and temperament. They often vote the same way in family councils and are now looked to for leadership following the father's passing. A second subset consists of the next four children — two boys and two girls — each born in consecutive calendar years.
Another subset consists of the twin boys, both of whom live away from the larger family unit but maintain constant and close contact with each other. Finally, the last two children form their own loosely defined subset, though the youngest is protected by the family as a whole. Additional subsets are formed along gender lines, which may also reflect their upbringing, in which each gender was assigned certain roles. Boundaries between subsystems appear very fluid and constantly shifting, which can be attributed to the large number of individuals within the family structure.
"Spouses, grandchildren, vocation, and education"
"German heritage, middle-class standing, geographic spread"
This structural assessment reveals a large, cohesive family unit whose stability is deeply rooted in shared religious beliefs, strong marital histories, and clearly defined gender roles. The internal structure is characterized by sibling subsystems, fluid boundaries, and a loose but functional hierarchy. Externally, the family maintains broad connections through marriage, extended family, and professional life, while contextually it is shaped by German heritage, middle-class values, LDS religious practice, and geographic distribution across multiple states. The family's notably low rate of individual disorders appears consistent with research linking intact marriages and strong family structures to better mental health outcomes.
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