This essay examines the extraordinary wartime powers exercised by Abraham Lincoln during the Civil War, including the suspension of habeas corpus, the use of military tribunals, the arrest of civilians, and the closure of newspapers. The paper argues that, despite the unprecedented and constitutionally controversial nature of these measures, Lincoln's actions were justified by the existential threat to the Union. Drawing a comparison to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the essay considers how extreme circumstances have historically prompted extraordinary executive responses. The paper also briefly scrutinizes Lincoln's personal motivations, noting that his record is more complicated than popular memory suggests.
Abraham Lincoln asserted and exercised a number of wide-ranging executive powers during the Civil War — powers that were largely unprecedented at the time and have not been replicated since. Despite this, Lincoln is regarded as one of the greatest, if not the greatest, Presidents in American history, largely because he was able to win the Civil War and preserve the Union. His wartime tactics included suspending habeas corpus, convening military courts, arresting civilians, and closing newspapers. While much of what Lincoln did in the 1860s would never be tolerated in today's political climate, his actions were genuinely necessary at the time and ultimately accomplished their intended goal.
The central question addressed here is whether Abraham Lincoln's use of presidential power was justified. Given the cataclysmic nature of the conflict, the fact that such measures had never been employed before and have not been employed since, and the fact that they achieved their objective, the answer must be yes. A useful comparison can be drawn to the use of atomic bombs against Japan at the end of World War II. Like Lincoln's measures, the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were without precedent and have not been repeated. And, like those bombings, the question of whether Lincoln's actions were called for and justified remains actively debated today.
Even accounting for Japan's sneak attack on Pearl Harbor that drew the United States into the war, the atomic response was widely understood — including by President Truman himself — to have targeted civilian populations in a manner that pushed the boundaries of what is considered acceptable conduct in warfare. Returning to Lincoln: he recognized that the Union was in grave danger of dissolution, and that one side had taken up arms against the nation itself. Much like the challenge posed by terrorism in the modern era, such a new and expansive threat called for unconventional means to eliminate the problem (Course, 2016).
"Critical look at Lincoln's complicated motives"
People might moderate their admiration for Lincoln if they were more familiar with these complexities, though some individuals lack the historical knowledge to make that judgment. The present author agrees with the overall steps Lincoln took, but acknowledges that his motives were not as pure or straightforward as popular memory suggests. This is not as stark a moral contrast as, for example, the continued celebration of Columbus Day in light of what Columbus did to the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean upon his arrival. Nevertheless, certain details do not flatter Lincoln's legacy either (Friedman, 2009).
Lincoln deserves credit for his actions during the Civil War, and it is truly remarkable that he was able to go as far as he did while retaining broad support for the Union effort. Simply suspending habeas corpus or shutting down newspapers would provoke an absolute firestorm if attempted today — regardless of the justification — given the perceived or actual violations of multiple constitutional amendments that such actions would appear to entail. However, extreme times call for extreme measures.
Friedman, M. (2009). Lincoln as emancipator. IIP Digital. Retrieved May 21, 2016, from
US History. (2016). The decision to drop the bomb. USHistory.org. Retrieved May 21, 2016, from http://www.ushistory.org/us/51g.asp
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