Minority Women, Media Portrayals, and Employment Inequality

Introduction: Minority Audiences and Media Influence

Although the media has come a long way during the past few decades, there is still significant inequity in television programming and ethnic stereotyping within the media more broadly. Many observers feel that minority women in particular are experiencing the effects of these disparities with respect to employment and other opportunities.

According to former Discovery Networks President Jonathan Rodgers, there are 38 million African Americans and 41 million Hispanics in the United States, and the 24–54 demographic spends approximately $4 billion annually on cable fees — yet there is only one Black channel and two major Spanish-language networks from which to choose (Analysis pp). With his new network, Rodgers planned to attract African American women, saying, "Our sweet spot is a 38-year-old African American woman" (Analysis pp). As America's population ages and the country grows more racially and ethnically diverse, minorities will become more important to media companies trying to serve large, fragmented audiences, and minority viewers' influence will increase exponentially (Analysis pp).

With growing representation in executive suites, African Americans, Hispanics, and Asians will have as much — or more — impact on society and mass culture as superstar athletes, actors, and entertainers (Analysis pp).

It is projected that by 2050, the percentage of non-Hispanic whites in the United States will decrease from 72 percent to 52.8 percent, while the African American population will grow from 13 percent to 15.4 percent, Asian and Pacific Islanders will increase from 3.4 percent to 8.7 percent, and Hispanics will more than double from 11.4 percent to 24.5 percent (Analysis pp). According to the United States Census Bureau, Hispanics are now the largest minority group in the country (Analysis pp). Geoscape Intelligence System, a multicultural marketing firm, reports that Hispanic population growth accounted for half of all U.S. population growth between 2000 and 2002 (Analysis pp). Approximately 67 percent of U.S. Hispanics are of Mexican origin, and 14.3 percent are Puerto Rican (Analysis pp). Hispanic households are also closing the income gap faster than African Americans, with a median Hispanic household income of approximately $38,000, compared to $45,600 for non-Hispanic whites (Analysis pp).

Stereotyping and Social Identity in the Workplace

In June 2004, MTV Networks and the Black Entertainment and Sports Lawyers Association jointly hosted their second annual media and entertainment panel discussion. Among the issues highlighted were diversity and the portrayal of people of color on cable (Tavis pp). The panel sought to understand how cable television was — or was not — handling stereotypical portrayals of people of color, and how those images affected broader society (Tavis pp). One panelist observed that "quite lately, there's been a narrow sieve through which the images of people of color have flowed, and so some of the same stereotypes that we find in other areas of society tend to show up on television" (Tavis pp). The reason offered was that "we don't have the people to green-light programs that are progressive...and those who have a dominant spot among African American, especially cable presenters and content providers are the very people who may not be as responsible as we want them" (Tavis pp). However, global appeal does exist; the international market penetration of African American images through hip-hop and film demonstrates a global marketplace ready to reproduce such images — "which could be a negative or a positive thing, depending upon what images get out there" (Tavis pp).

One study reported in a 2000 issue of the Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media examined the relationship between television news portrayals of African Americans and subsequent behavioral responses toward African Americans (Rada pp). Analysis of African American portrayals in television drama, news, and sports coverage found that these portrayals have been based on negative stereotypes that do not objectively or accurately reflect reality (Rada pp). Many of the stereotypes present in early television — such as depicting African Americans as lazy, comical, or inferior — have been replaced by newer, more subtle representations, such as characterizations of "pushing too hard and moving too fast" to achieve equal rights (Rada pp). Additionally, there is resentment toward what are perceived as special favors for African Americans, such as racial quotas in jobs or education, special government treatment, or unfair economic advantages (Rada pp). Research concluded that portrayals of African Americans often exhibit characteristics consistent with symbolic racism (Rada pp).

Social identity theory suggests that people classify themselves and others into categories based on salient characteristics such as gender, race, or ethnicity, and that they identify more with members who are similar to their in-group than with dissimilar out-group members (Crawford pp). Such distinctions affect group and self-attribution — including stereotypic attribution — resulting in in-group favoritism, negative stereotyping and subordination of out-groups, inter-group competition, and role conflict (Crawford pp). The distinctive identity of employees in a work setting can result in the exclusion of minorities from group membership and important decision-making, which in turn jeopardizes career advancement (Crawford pp).

Because white males tend to predominate in higher-level positions while women and ethnic minorities tend to occupy more junior roles, differences between these groups generate negative feelings and affect attitudes and behaviors in the workplace (Crawford pp). According to a 1997 study, "whites see the advantage of blacks arising from affirmative action, and blacks see the advantage of whites deriving from dominant control of influential positions and committees" (Crawford pp). Studies indicate that women and members of racial or ethnic minority groups are exposed to discrimination and exclusion in the workplace more often than white men (Crawford pp). Minority women tend to report more negative work attitudes and less satisfaction with promotional opportunities (Crawford pp). Furthermore, "Blacks perceive themselves as being less accepted, having less discretion in their jobs, and facing race-related barriers to advancement...Women report their opportunities are lower in visibility, scope, [and] formal authority" (Crawford pp). Although no significant difference was found in the number of promotions sought across gender and ethnic groups, there was a significant difference in the success rate of those bids for promotion (Crawford pp).

Portrayals of Women in Prime Time Television

According to a study published in 1999, most female characters in television programming are shown to be in their twenties and thirties, and approximately 85 percent were of European American origin, compared with 8.9 percent African American and 3.1 percent Hispanic (Brain pp). Only 9.9 percent held professional, white-collar positions, compared to 19.1 percent in blue-collar positions, including non-management, manual, or assembly-line roles (Brain pp). A relatively large share — 15.4 percent — were employed in the entertainment industry, including roles as models, musicians, and motion picture characters (Brain pp). Additionally, 30.4 percent of female characters had an unclear occupation (Brain pp). Roughly one-fifth were clearly successful in achieving their goals, 19.2 percent achieved mixed levels of success, and 14 percent were clearly unsuccessful (Brain pp).

Fifty percent of African American female characters had an occupation that could not be easily identified, and 11.5 percent held white-collar professional positions, compared to 10.4 percent of European American women in such positions and 28.5 percent with no clearly defined occupation (Brain pp). No Hispanic American female characters were portrayed in professional white-collar positions (Brain pp). Of female characters with a major role, only 3.8 percent were African American, and none represented other ethnic minority groups (Brain pp).

Of the African American females portrayed, 42.9 percent were clearly successful and 28.6 percent were not successful, with the remainder showing mixed levels of success (Brain pp). Of European American females, 37.3 percent were clearly successful and 35.8 percent had mixed levels of success (Brain pp). None of the results for ethnicity were statistically significant; ethnicity was not found to be a significant factor in occupational grouping, major or minor role assignment, levels of success attained, or romantic involvement (Brain pp). However, the majority of major female roles — 32.7 percent — were played by women who had apparently never married, and 30.8 percent by women who had formerly been married (Brain pp). Three-quarters (75.9 percent) of females in professional white-collar positions had minor roles; of the major roles held by females, 13.5 percent were in professional white-collar positions (Brain pp). Some 9.6 percent of major roles were in entertainment, compared to 38.5 percent of women with major roles who were portrayed as having no job at all (Brain pp).

Researcher Shane Halasz observes that "what we're seeing is a very superficial level of inclusion...these characters aren't too central to the story line...and the workplace seems to be a convenient place to include a person of color for cosmetic purposes without being obliged to look at their culture or what happens in their homes" (Ethnic pp). Canadian actor Dhirendra adds that the problem of treating minorities as props is rooted in producers' discomfort, behind the scenes, with challenging the status quo; nor do writers tend to write about things they do not understand (Ethnic pp).

Conclusion: The Need for Behind-the-Scenes Inclusion

African American women are generally portrayed in the media as strong, no-nonsense females — as exemplified by the mother on The Cosby Show — a framing that likely contributes to the labor force statistics described above. Asian Americans, portrayed as the "model minority," also appear to face fewer perceived barriers to employment. Hispanic women, by contrast, are not only under-represented in the media but also in the general workforce. As Sally Steenland, deputy director of the National Commission on Working Women, observes: "Even TV's concept of minority women is a narrow one. Most television minorities are Black: Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans are virtually invisible" (Steenland pp).