Russian Immigrant Children and Public Education in NYC

Introduction: Immigration and Education in New York City

In a city known for its diversity, the issues of public education and immigration go hand in hand. One of the most commonly cited reasons for immigration from any nation to the United States is educational opportunity for one's children, as a means of increasing both individual and future standards of living within the family (Heer 183). Russian immigrants are no different from any other group in this regard. Within recent years, immigration from Russia to many locations within the United States has been on the rise, and in New York City the same is true, with the Russian-origin population estimated at approximately 517,000 by the 1996 census ("New York City," Encarta Online Encyclopedia). Yet, with limitations on funding and constraints on multilingual education, many immigrants — including Russian immigrants in New York City — find it difficult to rely on the system to teach their children the linguistic and social skills they will need in order to transition into a new culture and potentially thrive (Rubin 25).

The challenges to educators in a multicultural school are substantial, and the funding realities of New York City schools, combined with the sheer per-capita representation of minorities — especially new immigrants — make the issue especially important. Foundationally, one of the most important steps is developing a greater understanding of the challenges and special needs of the Russian immigrant child. Research must be conducted that increases knowledge and lays the groundwork for best practices with regard to multicultural education and multilingual representation in New York City schools. The historical reality of the United States as a promising destination for immigrants must not break down within the education system (Buenker and Burckel 92).

Major increases in immigration and the shift in immigrant origins over the past three decades have substantially changed the composition of New York City's public schools. Unlike their primarily European predecessors, today's immigrant students come from countries all over the world, speak a wide variety of languages, and present a range of educational needs and prior schooling experiences (Conger, Schwartz, and Stiefel 3). This growing linguistic and cultural diversity places significant demands on school systems that must address the needs of many different groups simultaneously, often with limited resources.

After the dissolution of the USSR, there was a significant relaxation in the ability of many Russians to relocate. Their reasons are varied: some do so in response to war and ethnic strife, some simply to gain opportunity, and others to avoid religious prejudice. A strong cultural bond exists between immigrants and their homeland, as well as between immigrants and their reconstituted communities within the United States. Though this bond provides a cultural strength unlike that seen in many other immigrant groups, it also indicates a greater likelihood that Russian will be the only language spoken at home. Children benefit from the bilingual nature of their upbringing, but they also face significant challenges in gaining sorely needed English proficiency (Conger, Schwartz, and Stiefel 1–14). This pattern can be observed among both old and new immigrants, as group cohesion has been maintained since the first wave of immigration from the region in 1917 (Heer 43).

This dynamic can and often does mean that even second- and third-generation immigrants — differing from other ethnic groups in this respect — may enter school with a very limited English base, as Russian is spoken almost exclusively in the home. Within the enclaves that form in a city as large and diverse as New York City, many immigrants can live a life much like their previous life in Russia, working and socializing in an environment where English is rarely required. As Howard observes:

"Many white Americans have maintained direct and strong ties with their European roots. They continue after many generations to draw meaning and pride from those connections. These people continue to refer to themselves as Irish American, Croatian American, Italian American, or Russian American — terminology that acknowledges the two sides of their identity." (Howard)

Changing Demographics in NYC Public Schools

Some cultures, Russian being one of them, are more likely than others to maintain a language policy within the home, connecting their historical culture across many generations through language.

The debate over the importance of bilingual education rages on, yet it often leaves immigrants from non-Spanish-speaking countries entirely out of the conversation. Bilingual education, even as it is hotly contested, serves the fundamental purpose of ensuring that non-English-speaking students do not fall behind their peers in other subjects while they are learning English.

As Rothstein explains:

"Bilingual education, a preferred strategy for the last 20 years, aims to teach academic subjects to immigrant children in their native languages (most often Spanish), while slowly and simultaneously adding English instruction. In theory, the children don't fall behind in other subjects while they are learning English. When they are fluent in English, they can then 'transition' to English instruction in academic subjects at the grade level of their peers. Further, the theory goes, teaching immigrants in their native language values their family and community culture and reinforces their sense of self-worth, thus making their academic success more likely." (Rothstein)

Russian Cultural Cohesion and Language Use at Home

The problem is that there appear to be insufficient resources to offer bilingual education to non-majority minority groups, even if it is eventually proven to be the best practice for teaching non-English speakers. Russian-speaking students are frequently left without dedicated support because the scale of Spanish-language instruction dominates the allocation of available multilingual resources.

Rubin captures the broader consequence of this gap:

"There is compelling evidence that minority children often are more subordinated than their counterparts, that children's feelings of self-worth affect their learning achievement, that the social milieu of schools may induce a damaged sense of identity, and that the classroom which affirms and respects is more restorative than the one which rejects. Conversely, when coherent multicultural content is pursued rationally and used to convey significant constructs, it can add materially to the intellectual vitality of instruction." (Rubin 25)

This distinct feeling of reduced self-worth, based upon a lack of perceived ability to interact within the learning context, can — and often does — seriously affect the immigrant learner. Additionally, the status of being a non-majority minority within any region, including New York City, will in practice cause the educational needs of that group to be subordinated to those of the majority and larger minorities. Doing the most for the largest group is frequently the operative standard in schools across the country.

The complexity of educational change compounds this problem. As Yonezawa and Datnow note:

"The complex dynamic of educational change is not easily bounded by educational policies. Actions by policymakers, educators, students, and parents, who are influenced by diverse and conflicting educational goals, can shape reform implementation in unpredictable ways. Social, political, and economic forces surrounding schools can also alter what goes on in classrooms and corridors and affect the change process. Externally developed models may indeed prove their worth over time, but it is unlikely that they will be implemented exactly as reformers have designed them." (Yonezawa and Datnow 103)

This reality means that even well-intentioned reform efforts may fail to reach Russian immigrant students consistently, as competing priorities and uneven implementation erode the potential benefits of any given policy initiative.

Bilingual Education and Its Limitations for Non-Spanish-Speaking Immigrants

Another significant issue may not be the ESL status of a Russian immigrant child, but rather the adoptive or pre-adoptive status of children brought from Eastern Europe. There has been a recent trend toward the adoption of Russian children from institutional settings within Russia and other parts of Eastern Europe. These children have been known to show significant risk for the development of social anxiety disorders that can impair learning abilities in some cases (Judge 244).

One considerable challenge may also be the lack of recognition of the ethnic diversity involved. Russian immigrant children may in most outward respects resemble their white classmates, yet in many significant ways have different learning needs — not the least of which is the need to develop command of the English language, both socially and academically. Additionally, because of often strong religious ties — whether Jewish or Orthodox — intermarriage between Russian and non-Russian peoples is frequently discouraged. This further reduces the likelihood that English will become the dominant language within the household and limits social interactions between Russian and non-Russian youths, reinforcing linguistic and cultural insularity across generations.

Research must be conducted that increases knowledge and lays the groundwork for best practices with regard to multicultural education and multilingual representation in New York City schools. The historical reality of the United States as a promising destination for immigrants must not break down within the education system (Buenker and Burckel 92). The needs of Russian immigrant children — shaped by strong cultural cohesion, home language retention, and limited access to targeted bilingual programming — represent a gap in both policy attention and educational research. Addressing this gap requires acknowledging that "minority" is not a monolithic category, and that the educational system's tendency to concentrate resources on the largest groups leaves smaller communities, including Russian-speaking students, without adequate support. A commitment to genuine multicultural education demands that every immigrant child's linguistic and cultural background be recognized as both a challenge to address and a resource to build upon.

Buenker, John D., and Nicholas C. Burckel. Immigration and Ethnicity: A Guide to Information Sources. Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1977.

Conger, Dylan, Amy Ellen Schwartz, and Leanne Stiefel. "Language Proficiency and Home Languages of Students in New York City Elementary and Middle Schools." Urban Institute, February 2003. http://www.urban.nyu.edu.

Constantino, Rebecca, and Magaly Lavadenz. "Newcomer Schools: First Impressions." PJE. Peabody Journal of Education 69.1 (1993): 82–101.

Dovidio, John F., and Victoria M. Esses. "Immigrants and Immigration: Advancing the Psychological Perspective." Journal of Social Issues 57.3 (2001): 375+. Questia. 1 Dec. 2004.

Conclusion and Implications for Practice

Yonezawa, Susan, and Amanda Datnow. "Supporting Multiple Reform Designs in a Culturally and Linguistically Diverse School District." Journal of Education for Students Placed at Risk 4.1 (1999): 101–125.

Ziegler, Benjamin Munn, ed. Immigration, an American Dilemma. Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1953.