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Virtue translates to skill, ability, and ingenuity to Machiavelli, and so, it is quite understandable that his idea of virtue would share a stormy relationship with fortune.
The relationship between fortune and virtue in this work may seem to be convoluted at best, but in reality, the relationship makes perfect sense for the time. Reduced to its lowest level, the relationship is simply one between a strong and demanding man and a subservient woman. The man must never solely rely on the woman for his fate and fame. Instead, he must learn how to master fortune, and then mold it to his own will, and need. Thus, the relationship is volatile from the first, and will remain volatile as Machiavelli sees it. Fortune has no place in the planning of a political state, because fortune cannot be counted on. However, virtue, as Machiavelli defined it, has every place in a political state, because it equates to good, sound leadership that is good for the leader and good for the people. While Machiavelli believes a good and powerful ruler must be strong and even ruthless, he does not condone cruelty in the name of power. He writes, "Badly used are those cruelties which, although being few at the outset, grow with the passing of time instead of disappearing" (Machiavelli 32). Thus, a virtuous ruler is powerful and cunning, and knows how to use his power effectively to master the weak and to master his own fortune. That does not give him the right to gain power by cruel or unscrupulous means.
Machiavelli constructs his ideas of power and politics almost entirely with his ideas of fortune and virtue. He continually notes that a good ruler cannot rely on fortune, for fortune is fickle and can never be counted on to be there when most needed. A good ruler must rely on wit, skill, ingenuity, and ability - or "virtue." Politically, this makes sound sense, for a ruler who cultivates these abilities will certainly be a popular ruler with the people, and so can obtain and hold on to power with less effort than one who is ruthless, cruel, and unpopular with the people. The same can be said of most political organizations today. Most politicians cultivate an image...
In Machiavelli's world, fortune and virtue are intertwined and complicated, just as the relationship between a man and a woman is intertwined and complicated. It is not very much different in the modern world of politics, where fortune and skill are still both quite necessary for successful political figures and political states. Certainly, the political climate of the United States is mired in both fortune and virtue, and both affect how the competent political leader manages his country and his place in the world. Political power is still much the same as it was in Machiavelli's time, and not much has changed in how it is coveted, acquired, and managed. Machiavelli's ideas may seem ruthless and cynical, but in reality, they work. The best political machines are effective when they use skill, knowledge, and even "manliness" to maintain control in turbulent situations. The September 11 terrorist attacks are an excellent example. The powerful leader (Bush) reacted swiftly and strongly to the attacks, and indicated to the world that America would not be a victim. This strong and "virtuous" reaction would have been just what Machiavelli had envisioned in times of great stress. It was not a time for morality; it was a time for strong and swift reaction, and shows how a powerful leader must be ready for anything at any time.
In conclusion, Machiavelli uses fortune and virtue as models for behavior and political power. Their relationship is intertwined with correct political and social behavior in the book, and they represent two of the highest ideals man can attain. Machiavelli's ideas may seem old-fashioned and even politically incorrect today, but his ideas on fortune and virtue have stood the test of time, and will continue to inspire. Fortune and virtue are not easy to attain, but once they are attained, they must be used wisely, or they can corrupt and foul society and the political system.
References
Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince. Trans. Bondanella, Peter, and Mark Musa. Ed. Peter Bondanella. Oxford: Oxford University, 1998.
" Parallels with business takeovers are frighteningly stark. Change. In the Prince he says "It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things" (Machiavelli). Relevancy...and Not The impact of Machiavelli's writing on politics has been accepted for some time, but the relevance of his ideas to business had to wait until
Hence he advises that a prince should never rest from military thought. Especially in times of peace, a prince must engage in honing his skills and in studying military strategies. Relationship of the New Prince with the People Machiavelli realizes the importance of the new prince's relationship with the people and he has repeatedly emphasized its necessity in the Prince. Gaining Support of the People: When a new prince acquires a new
MACHIAVELLI's THE PRINCE Niccolo Machiavelli's The Prince is one of the most controversial yet enduring political manifestos regarding the differing types of military affairs, principalities, and qualities of a great leader. The Prince has been referenced by academics, directors of corporations, and politicians for centuries, as it provides general, historically proven advice for principalities and republics on how to govern and maintain relations with their most important resource and the essential
However, to interpret Machiavelli from this angle only would be to view his thoughts myopically. (Viroli, 1998) This is because the other piece of work that Machiavelli wrote at about the same time, the "Discourses on Livy" showed Machiavelli to be essentially a republican who perceived the state to be an autonomous and secular entity which depended upon mass support and human skills for its survival. According to a
What is almost funny about this tactic is that Machiavelli notes the importance of specific circumstances throughout the chapter immediately before making generalized statements, but when it comes to actually judging the efficacy of fortresses, he refrains. However, this does not mean that he does not come up with a general pronounce, it just means that this general pronouncement takes the form of a discussion of the importance of specific
" (the Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, edited by Gaillard Hunt and J.B. Scott New York, 1920, p. 329 as cited in Riemer 46) According to some historians, Madison's contribution to the consolidation of republicanism has been underrated: "Republican ideology - not economic interest, not social class, not sectional outlook - is the key to his political thought and actions. Theoretically and practically, he was always hostile to