Aboriginal Education in Canada a Plea for Integration

Aboriginal Education in Canada: A Plea for Integration This paper explores interactions among formal learning, informal learning, and life conditions and opportunities experienced by Aboriginal people in Canada. Aboriginal is the most popular term used to refer to Canada's original people (Kirkness, 1999). Aboriginal, Indian, and First Nations are all terms used to describe Canadian natives. A great deal of attention has been given in recent years to what is commonly described as an education gap between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians (Wotherspoon and Butler, 1999).

According to 1996 census data, approximately one-third (35%) of Canadians aged fifteen and over, compared to more than half (54%) of the comparable Aboriginal population, never graduated high school, while 16% of the national adult population, and only 4.5% of the Aboriginal population, have college degrees (Statistics Canada, 1998). Aboriginal dropout rates are reported to be double those for the general population, and Aboriginal school leavers are about half as likely to return to school later in life (Gilbert et al. 1993: 23).

Many people associate these restricted levels of school retention and formal educational attainment with inadequate labor market integration and low socioeconomic status among people of Aboriginal ancestry (Wotherspoon and Butler, 1999). Educational problems are also mixed with poverty, violence, alcohol and drug abuse, discrimination, and other difficulties that many Aboriginal people suffer. These concerns are important, as the Aboriginal population is younger, and growing faster, than the general Canadian population.

In Saskatchewan, for example, much of the area's total population and approximately twenty percent of its school-age population were of Aboriginal ancestry in 1996. It is predicted that Aboriginal youth will make up nearly one-third of the province's school-age population in ten years, and thus substantial proportions of future labor market entrants will be of Aboriginal ancestry early in the next century. Education plays a key role in promoting the attainment by Aboriginal people of various objectives for self-determination and equal participation in Canadian society (Wotherspoon and Butler, 1999).

Educational issues have greater significance in the context of increasing policy attentiveness to questions about how an aging but diverse society can benefit from the incorporation of historically marginalized groups into meaningful social and economic positions. As a result, the Aboriginal education gap has been the focus of a diverse and increasing range of policy and program initiatives by numerous public and private sector bodies, particularly over the past three decades.

It is important to note that more and more Aboriginal learners are enrolling in programs and attaining credentials in conventional and First Nations-administered educational institutions at various levels (Wotherspoon and Butler, 1999). Elementary and secondary schools in many areas now incorporate Aboriginal teachers, cultural programming, and services that are geared to the needs of Aboriginal learners. More Aboriginal adults, particularly women, in age groups above usual post-secondary entrance levels, are returning to schools and universities to get a better education.

Still, as Canadians' general rates of participation and attainment levels in formal education are reaching greater heights, comparable educational achievements among Aboriginal people remain well below national averages (Kirkness and Bowman, 1992). As research and policy attention is directed more at the educational deficits among Aboriginal people in regards to formal schooling, there has been some consideration of the importance and potential of informal educational activities (Wotherspoon and Butler, 1999).

Informal learning, comprising deliberate learning situations that exist outside of formally credentialed education, is a widespread but underplayed type of education that plays an important role in increasing people's knowledge and capabilities in various spheres of contemporary social life (Garrick, 1996: 22-23). Many Aboriginal people, despite their formal education levels, may have applied skills or be involved, for example, in cultural programs or self-help ventures that are not acknowledged in formal assessments of their credentials.

In this light, socially-useful knowledge and skills learned through traditional means may be forgotten or undermined in the course of individual or community efforts to conform to formal schooling or training programs. Thus, it is important to consider the nature and extent of informal learning among Aboriginal people in order to enhance Canada's overall understanding of education and promote effective strategies to realize the capacities of the native people.

LITERATURE REVIEW Many years before Europeans came to North America, Indians had developed their educational practices, based on a system in which the community was the classroom, its members were the teachers, and each adult was responsible to make sure each child learned how to live a good life (National Indian Brotherhood, 1973). The core of this educational system was the belief in the Great Spirit. The Gospel of the Redman stated that "The Redman has the most spiritual civilization the world has ever known...

His measure of success is 'How much service have I rendered to my people?'.. His mode of life, his thought, his every act are given spiritual significance (Seton & Seton, 1977)." This belief was expressed in their daily living, in human interaction, in humility, in sharing, in cooperating, in nature, and just about everything else (Kirkness, 1999). Traditionally, the natives' teachings addressed the total being, the whole community, in the context of a living culture.

The way the natives lived and learned was dramatically altered when the European missionaries arrived in the early 17th century (Kirkness, 1999). The Europeans established schools for Indians, believing that this would be the best method of civilizing the "natives." Day or Mission schools were established to teach the natives how to behave in a civilized manner. Day schools, however, were abandoned in favor of residential (boarding) schools in the 1800s. The highest recorded number of residential schools, which were located all across Canada, was 80 in 1933.

These schools enrolled anywhere from fifty to over four hundred students of all ages. Most of these schools were phased out in the 1960s. Residential schools served to isolate the Indian child from his parents and the influences of his community (Kirkness, 1999). As one government inspector argued in the mid 1800s: "Little can be done with him (the Indian child). He can be taught to do a little farming, and at stock raising, and to dress in a more civilized manner, but that is all.

The child who goes to a day school learns little while his tastes are fashioned at home, and his inherited aversion to toil is in no way combated." (Indian Affairs Branch, 1879-1880) The residential schools basically oppressed the Indians (Kirkness, 1999). The children were separated from their parents for long periods of time, and were subjected to a severe regimen. The boys were forced to clean the stables, attend to the livestock, fix broken machinery, and work in the fields.

The girls were responsible for maintaining the school, washing and mending clothes, doing kitchen chores, scrubbing floors and doing other domestic chores. For many years, the Indian students spent only a half day in the classroom. They received only a very basic education designed to prepare them for a domestic, Christian life. In addition, the residential school was notable for its high mortality rate among the students.

At the turn of the century, approximately 50% of the children who attended these schools did not benefit from the education they received, as they died of diseases such as smallpox and tuberculosis (Kirkness, 1999). Some believe that many died of loneliness. It wasn't until recently that the general public become aware of the true devastation suffered by these residential school students, who were subjected to physical, mental and sexual abuse under the colonial regime.

Because generations of Indian children were separated from their parents, they did not experience a normal childhood and the teachings of their people (Kirkness, 1999). As a result, they lost their cultural traditions, including their native languages. This represents a dark period in the history of Indian education, the consequences of which are still felt today. Indian society as a whole has suffered from this period. This loss has resulted in cultural conflict, alienation, poor self-concept, lack of preparation for jobs and for life in general.

The colonial regime affected not only those who actually attended these schools but also their children and their communities. In the 1950s, another shift occurred (Kirkness, 1999). The idea of civilizing and Christianizing gave way to an increase in the number of federally operated Indian Day Schools on reserves to accommodate the closure of residential schools. At this time, a policy of integration was introduced. Integration is best described as the process of having Indian students attend public schools.

Often, residential schools were transformed into student residences and the students attended the nearest public schools. In other cases, children were transported from their homes on reserves to nearby public schools. By the 1970s, the government of Canada had successfully made provisions for approximately 60% of Indian students in public schools. The integration concept continued government control over the lives of the native people. It was introduced with little or no consultation with the native people.

No particular preparation of teachers or of curriculum was made to accommodate the children of this culture. Chief Dan George argued against integration (Kirkness, 1999): "You talk big words of integration in the schools. Does it really exist? Can we talk of integration until there is social integration ....unless there is integration of hearts and minds you have only a physical presence .. And the walls are as high as the mountain range.

(George, 1972) Integration has been, for the most part," only a physical presence (Kirkness, 1999)." This method of education has not been one of true integration where the Indian cultures are respected and recognized. Instead, it has been a process of assimilation in which Indians are being absorbed into the non-Indian society. There has been no real improvement in the general achievement of Indian children in integrated schools (Kirkness, 1999). Studies on the effects of integration reveal that Indian children display patterns that can be identified as alienation and identity conflict.

The Indian child is forced to live between two cultures and is therefore, literally outside of, and between both. In this light, integration does not provide the answer to education for native students. However, while schools did little to address the cultural challenges in the curriculum, children were at least able to live in their communities and grow up with their parents and siblings. Fortunately, more changes occurred in the 1960s, as Indian leaders began to stand up for the rights of their people.

The Indian people raised various educational concerns, and, as a result, the House of Commons Standing Committee on Indian Affairs prepared a report on Indian education. This report, which was presented to Parliament on June 22, 1971, alerted the Canadian public to the educational problems facing Indian people.

Some of the findings were as follows (Kirkness, 1999): • "A drop-out rate four times the national average (96% of Indian children never finished high school) • A related unemployment rate averaging 50% for adult males, going as high as 90% in some communities • "Inaccuracies and omissions" relating to the Indian contribution to Canadian history in textbooks used in federal and provincial schools • An age-grade retardation rooted in language conflict and early disadvantage, which accelerated as the child progressed through the primary and elementary grades • Less than 15% of the teachers had specialized training in cross-cultural education and less than 10% had any knowledge of an Indian language • The majority of Indian parents were uninformed about the implication of decisions made to transfer children from reserve schools to provincial schools." The report demonstrated that the missionaries and governments had failed in three hundred years to provide an effective educational program for Indians (Kirkness, 1999).

There were many reasons for this failure, including "the absence of a clear philosophy of education with goals and objectives, failure to provide a meaningful program based on Indian reality, a lack of qualified teaching staff and inadequate facilities, and, most important, the absence of parental involvement in the education of their children." In 1969 the Canadian government created a white paper on Indian policy, based on the elimination of the special status of Indians (Kirkness, 1999).

The resentful provincial/territorial Indian organizations responded by issuing positions papers related to their ongoing relationships with the federal government, including treaties and Aboriginal rights. In addition, they stated their positions in education, housing, health, and in social and economic development. After a 1971 school strike in North-east Alberta protesting school facilities on reserves and the release of the Standing Committee Report, education was at the forefront of Aboriginal issues (Kirkness, 1999). The National Indian Brotherhood founded a working committee to prepare a national position in education.

Basing its findings on the various position papers of the provincial/territorial Indian Organizations, the policy of Indian Control of Indian Education was presented to the Canadian government on December 21, 1972. In 1973, the Minister of Indian Affairs, the Honourable Jean Chretien, gave official departmental recognition to the policy stating "I have given the National Indian Brotherhood my assurance that I and my Department are fully committed to realizing the educational goals for the Indian people set forth in the Brotherhood's proposal" (Cardinal, 1977).

Indian Control of Indian Education consists of two education principles recognized in Canadian society: parental responsibility and local control (Kirkness, 1999). It recognizes that Indian parents must enjoy the same fundamental decision making rights about their children's education as non-native parents in Canada do. It promotes the basic concept of local control, separating the free political system of democratic governments from those of a totalitarian nature.

The policy also emphasizes the need to improve educational opportunities for Indians, stating (Kirkness, 1999): "Our aim is to make education relevant to the philosophy and needs of Indian people. We want education to give our children a strong sense of identity with confidence in their personal worth and ability. We believe in education.. .. As a preparation for total living. .. As a means of free choice of where to live and work. .. As a means of enabling us to participate fully in our own social, economic, political, and educational advancement.

(National Indian Brotherhood, 1973) Indian philosophy of education is in many ways more valid and universal than the one which prevails in educational circles today. Instead of a one-sided view of history, we want our children to learn a Canadian history which attaches honor to the customs, values, accomplishments and contributions of this country's original inhabitants and first citizens, the Indians of Canada. We want our children to learn science and technology so that they can promote the harmony of man with nature .. not destroy it.

We want our children to learn about their fellow men in literature and social studies and, in the process, learn to respect the values and cultures of others." This philosophy of education perceives learning and teaching as a key part of living both for the teacher and the child. It is not a five hour, five-day-a-week exercise for a dozen years. Instead, it is a life-long commitment (Kirkness, 1999). Indian Control of Indian Education is a four point policy that deals with parental responsibility, school programs, teachers and school facilities.

There have been some obstacles in implementing this system of teaching (Kirkness, 1999). For instance, the government provides funding to Bands under strict guidelines on an annual basis. This prevents the possibility of priority setting or innovative planning by local Indian Bands. Another factor is that Indian controlled schools require an administration that is local. The Department of Indian Affairs, on the other hand, operates within a centralized administration. The cost factor differs. This poses additional problems for Bands, as funding is restricted to given guidelines and is inadequate.

Still, despite these problems, progress is noted in many reports and evaluations conducted within the last few years.

The involvement of Indian people in the education of their children, has resulted in (Kirkness, 1999): • greater retention of students • improved attendance • inclusion of relevant curriculum • better graduation rates • development of early childhood programs • introduction of adult education programs • teaching of native languages (Kirkness, Bowman, 1992) While there is little agreement on the exact figures for Aboriginal student drop out rates, researchers believe that these students have the highest high school dropout rate among students in Canada, almost twice that of other students (Fisher and Campbell, 2002).

The costs of dropping out for society as a whole and for Aboriginal peoples in general is great. In response to increased concern over the success of Aboriginal students under their jurisdiction, the administration and trustees of the Peace Wapiti School Board commissioned a study that aimed to make recommendations to the school board, suggesting how delivery of education to Aboriginal students might be improved, thus resulting in a better school experience and higher completion rates.

The government believed that by improving the schooling for Native students, all students in the school jurisdiction might benefit. Students interviewed for the study suggested that more Aboriginal content is needed in the school curriculum for it to be more relevant to their needs. They ask to see the Cree language taught as well as Aboriginal culture and heritage.

Teachers and administrators made numerous suggestions for improving services to Aboriginal students (Fisher and Campbell, 2002): "bringing in Aboriginal people to serve as role models, to assist in mentoring, and to teach Cree, culture and heritage; establishing smaller classes to allow individualized instruction and provide hands on experience in a "warm and caring environment"; developing a support system at home and in the community and partnerships so that the Aboriginal community feels it has ownership and direction in the children's education.

They also indicated that teachers need to become better informed about Aboriginal culture and issues. History and other topics need to be taught from an Aboriginal perspective." Based on these findings, a variety of recommendations have been made (Fisher and Campbell, 2002): 1. Introduce small classes to allow a "warm and caring" atmosphere that permits teaching from various learning styles and encourages one-on-one interaction. Develop activities that take students away from the school place and immerse them into their culture. 2.

Enrich the curriculum by involving Native Elders and other Aboriginals to share their experiences and knowledge, their language, culture and heritage. All students could benefit from this experience, but language and culture classes should become a recognized part of the curriculum for all Aboriginal students. 3. Provide mentoring and tutoring for Aboriginal students using Natives after whom the youth can model their lives. Establish a Native presence in all schools where there are Aboriginal students. 4.

Use the talking circle to allow all parties in the education of Aboriginal youth to come together "to work towards and experience unity" of purpose and design of schooling for Native students. 5. All teachers and administrators should have diversity training, to help them understand and accept cultural differences. This instruction should train them to recognize and develop delivery skills for various learning styles. 6. Develop meaningful partnerships with the Aboriginal community that allow parents and Native leaders to shape the educational process for their youth.

CONCLUSION An aboriginal model for education is an alternative to western models that were designed to reduce the place of Aboriginal people through a policy of false assimilation; a policy that robbed Aboriginal people of their heritage and identity while providing little opportunity within the main stream of a non-welcoming society (Fisher and Campbell, 2002). For Indian people in Canada the model for aboriginal education in an Indian-controlled environment, and has proven to be effective in developing the individual and the community through an enhanced sense of self as part.