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It is very important to note here that this role is determined by man's capacity to reason which is in fact, the key to understanding Aristotle's view on human nature. Regarding political regimes, Aristotle characterizes monarchy, aristocracy and polity as the good type of regimes whereas tyranny, oligarchy and democracy are labeled as 'corrupt'. The basic feature of a good government is that it rules in favor of the common interest while corrupt governments rule according to their own interest.
As far as the rule of law, Aristotle argues that in a good state, i.e. with a good government, there is a rule of law, and not of men, in other words, that man is to judge man according to laws which apply to everyone. In this sense, the rule of law implies both obedience to laws, and checks and balances, a system which is aimed at exercising control over both the rule and magistrates. Also, laws must be obeyed in order for the government to be considered 'good'. Again, there is a clear opposition between the Aristotelian and the Machiavellian systems of thought. Machiavelli...
Moreover, he argues in favor of the rule of man since the prince has the authority to employ any means in order to defend his state.
Aristotle's definition of a good government is based on virtue, the rule of law and an ethical perspective on the functions and prerogatives of the government which has the duty to rule in favor of the common good. On the other hand, Machiavelli claims that virtue only applies when it benefits the state, and that the prince is free to employ any means in order to protect and preserve his principality. The fundamental difference between Aristotle's and Machiavelli's definitions of a good government consists of the fact that the latter prophesizes that "the end justifies the means" i.e. The actions of the state must not be interpreted from a moral perspective, whereas the definition of Aristotle is centered on the assumption that a good government has just laws.
46). These ideas are actually in direct contradiction to the prevailing religious philosophies of the time. Machiavelli does not seed men judged by God, or even by other men -- but instead by whether the deed one sought was accomplished or not; and if that deed has eventual ramifications that may be good. This Prince may come to power through evil means from himself, from others, or through historical forces.
Leaders today must regularly make decisions that may, at times, greatly impact the lives of thousands of people. In order to be successful, they have to be able to analyze as many of the choices, plans and strategies possible and determine which of these will be best for the most individuals. Sometimes such decisions have to be made very quickly. Executive power, Mansfield notes, is one of the most essential principles
Machiavelli, Thomas More, Thomas Hobbes Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes appear to recommend political actions and systems that take people "the way they are." In contrast, Thomas More and Aristotle appear to recommend political actions and systems designed to help people change the way they are. To what extent is this description of their approaches accurate? According to the introduction to his text The Prince, Machiavelli believes that "the way humans act and
Machiavelli, Thomas More, Thomas Hobbes Under what circumstances is it just (or right, or ethical) to go to war? Why? Compare and contrast how Machiavelli, Thomas More, and Thomas Hobbes might answer this question. Because of the rather negative perception of Niccolo Machiavelli's theories of political survival and expediency at all costs, one might be tempted to assume that the Italian political theorist believed that the ideal leader, The Prince, should go
" Parallels with business takeovers are frighteningly stark. Change. In the Prince he says "It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things" (Machiavelli). Relevancy...and Not The impact of Machiavelli's writing on politics has been accepted for some time, but the relevance of his ideas to business had to wait until
" (the Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, edited by Gaillard Hunt and J.B. Scott New York, 1920, p. 329 as cited in Riemer 46) According to some historians, Madison's contribution to the consolidation of republicanism has been underrated: "Republican ideology - not economic interest, not social class, not sectional outlook - is the key to his political thought and actions. Theoretically and practically, he was always hostile to