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[file_content] => Battle of Waterloo took place on the 18th of June 1815, when the allied European forces teamed up with the Prussian forces to bring down the French forces under the command of Napoleon. The battle brought to an end Napoleon's dream of conquering and establishing his empire in continental Europe. This text analyzes the causes of, and events surrounding the battle.
Battle Analysis Outline
The Battle of Waterloo
Define the Subject
a) Who fought the battle?
The Battle of Waterloo was fought by three armies -- the French Army (Armee de Nord) under the command of Napoleon, the multinational army under General Wellington's command, and the Prussian army under Gebhard Blucher.
The French Army: the French army was by far the most equipped of the three, consisting of approximately 74,000 soldiers; 48,000 infantries; 14,000 cavalries; 7,000 artilleries and 250 guns[footnoteRef:2]. It consisted primarily of veteran soldiers, a majority of whom had already taken part in one or more campaigns for Napoleon in the past. Differently from their counterparts, the French's cavalries were numerous and formidable, and included 14 regiments of armored and heavy cavalry and 7 highly versatile lancers[footnoteRef:3] [2: Richard Evans, "Waterloo: Causes,. Courses and Consequences," Gresham University, accessed September 16, 2015, http://www.gresham.ac.uk/lectures-and-events/waterloo-causes-courses-and-consequences ] [3: Evans, "Waterloo: Causes, Courses and Consequences."]
ii) The multinational army: this was largely inexperienced and ill-equipped, consisting of 68,000 soldiers; 50,000 infantries; 11,000 cavalries; 6,000 artilleries and 150 guns[footnoteRef:4]. Approximately 6,000 soldiers were from the King's German Legion, whereas 23,000 were British[footnoteRef:5]. The British troops were composed primarily of regular soldiers, and only 7,000 were veterans, having fought in the Peninsular War[footnoteRef:6]. In addition to the British and German troops, Wellington's army also included 17,000 Dutch troops; 11, 000 troops from Hanover; 6,000 troops from Brunswick and 3,000 troops from Nassau[footnoteRef:7]. The alliance army was, however, short of regiments of heavy cavalry, with only seven British regimens and 3 Dutch regimens[footnoteRef:8]. [4: Ibid ] [5: Ibid] [6: Ibid] [7: Evans, "Waterloo: Causes, Courses and Consequences."] [8: Ibid]
iii) The Prussian Army: this consisted of 50,000 men from four brigades[footnoteRef:9]. It consisted mainly of veterans, although there also was a sizeable number of recruits[footnoteRef:10]. [9: Rupert Matthews, The Battle of Waterloo: Europe in the Balance (London, UK: Acturus Publishing, 2015), n.pag. ] [10: Matthews, The Battle of Waterloo: Europe in the Balance, n.pag]
b) When did they fight? The battle was fought on Sunday 18th June, 1815[footnoteRef:11]. However, the historic Waterloo Campaign ran for approximately four days between the 14th and the 17th of June before the actual battle took place on the 18th[footnoteRef:12]. As the sun set on the evening of 14th June, the men of the I Corp of the Prussian Army were ordered to sleep with their weapons within reach, and their uniforms on, and at dawn, the first shots were fired by French advanced scouts[footnoteRef:13]. c) Where did the battle take place? The battle took place on a battleground located in present-day Belgium, near the town of Waterloo and approximately 12 km south of Brussels[footnoteRef:14]. Belgium then was part of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands. [11: Andrew Roberts, Napoleon and Wellington: The Battle of Waterloo and the Great Commanders who Fought it (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2001), xxix] [12: Matthews, The Battle of Waterloo: Europe in the Balance, n.pag] [13: Ibid] [14: Ibid]
II. Review the Strategic Setting
a) What caused the battle: the Battle of Waterloo was caused primarily by Napoleon's return to France from exile in February, 1815. During the 1814 battle, a number of European states had formed an alliance, whose combined troops had defeated the French army and sent Napoleon, their emperor, into abdication in Elba, off the Italian coast to prevent him from gaining control over continental Europe[footnoteRef:15]. Napoleon is said to have, however, got bored at Elba and organized his return to France to reclaim his grander title[footnoteRef:16]. Upon Napoleon's unexpected return to Paris, the European states that had opposed and fought against him in the 1814 battle feared that he had returned to continue his vision of conquering the greater continental Europe. As such, they reorganized their forces, and were prepared to stop him at all costs. It was this conflict between Napoleon and his former conquerors that led to the Battle of Waterloo. The allies who had ganged up against him before reassembled their forces and took to war against Napoleon to overthrow him again[footnoteRef:17]. [15: Evans, "Waterloo: Causes, Courses and Consequences."] [16: Ibid] [17: Ibid]
b) What specific events led to this battle? This could be examined based on the specific events that facilitated Napoleon's return to France, and the factors that made it relatively easy for him to reconstitute his army.
i) King Louis XVIII's Loss of Popularity among the French Public: upon successfully sending Napoleon to exile in 1814, the European allies that had fought against him put King Louis XVIII in control of the French monarchy[footnoteRef:18]. Louis, however, fell out with the French public and army almost immediately. He embarked on a mission to pay for the legacy of the war that had sent Napoleon to exile. For this reason, he instituted a number of policies that sought to raise finances for the same at the expense of the public[footnoteRef:19]. For instance, contrary to his followers' expectations, he opted to retain the unpopular taxes that had been imposed by Napoleon, cut down on the army's expenditure, laid out almost half of its members, and imposed 50% pay cuts on 12,000 army officials[footnoteRef:20]. These moves caused him to fall-out with the French public and influential army officials. He further lost favor with the educated French owing to his proclamation of militant Catholicism as the country's religion[footnoteRef:21]. These factors all caused Louis to become unpopular, with most people perceiving him as unable to fit into Napoleon's boots[footnoteRef:22]. This loss of popularity made it relatively easy for Napoleon to win the hearts of the French public upon his return and to also reconstitute his army from the disgruntled veterans in King Louis' army. King Louis' right-hand man, Marshall Ney, whom he sent to conquer Napoleon's troops as they tried to force their way into Paris, was one of those who crossed to their former emperor's side[footnoteRef:23]. [18: Ibid] [19: Ibid] [20: Evans, "Waterloo: Causes, Courses and Consequences."] [21: Ibid] [22: Ibid] [23: Ibid]
ii) Disunity among the Allies in the Vienna Conference: the allies' conflicting interests had driven them to engage in numerous quarrels with each other in Vienna, and this provided ample opportunity for Napoleon to take advantage of their distraction from Paris[footnoteRef:24]. Russia and Poland, for instance, were in conflict owing to the former's intention to absorb a sizeable portion of the latter and leave it a puppet state. The case was no different between Austria and Prussia, where the latter demanded the entire Kingdom of Saxony, but the former would have none of this[footnoteRef:25]. These conflicting goals caused disunity among the allied nations of continental Europe, making it relatively easy for Napoleon to slip through and reorganize his forces[footnoteRef:26]. [24: Ibid] [25: William Siborne, History of the War in France and Belgium in 1815: Containing Minute Details of the Battles of Quatre-Bas, Ligny, Wavre and Waterloo (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 17] [26: Ibid]
iii) The Return of French Prisoners: the authority of the Congress in Vienna had opted to have French soldiers who had been captured during the 1814 battle and held as prisoners in Britain, Spain, Germany, and Austria returned to their country. These men provide ample platforms for Napoleon to reconstitute a strong army and regain his pre-exile position in Paris[footnoteRef:27]. [27: Evans, "Waterloo: Causes, Courses and Consequences."]
III. Compare military systems
The military systems for the two sides differed significantly in terms of the availability of equipment and artillery, and the overall level of experience. The French troops were better-equipped, with heavier artillery and more experienced soldiers (all of Napoleon's soldiers during the battle were veterans, having taken part in other campaigns in the past. Wellington's camp, on the other hand, was highly inexperienced, composed mainly of regular soldiers, with only a handful of veterans. The Prussian army was no different -- it consisted mainly of poorly-trained militia as most of its veteran soldiers had been injured in the defeat to Napoleon at Ligny[footnoteRef:28]. The battle at Ligny had drained Blucher's camp significantly, and equipment, ammunition, and guns were, therefore, in short supply. Although the Wellington and Prussian forces combined outnumbered the French troops, they were still largely inferior to the latter in terms of the level of experience, the number of veterans, and the availability of artillery. [28: Ibid]
IV. Describe each side's plan:
i) Napoleon's Plan: before Napoleon and his forces invaded Paris, the powers at the Congress of Vienna made an open declaration that he was an outlaw, and would be fought by the combined action of the allies[footnoteRef:29]. Following this declaration, Prussia, Austria, Russia and the United Kingdom began to prepare their armies for the invasion…
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[file_content] => Battle of Waterloo was the concluding and pivotal action of the Napoleonic Wars that successfully put an end to the French control of the European landmass and brought about extreme changes in the political frontiers and control of Europe. Taken place on June 18, 1814, near Waterloo, which is now known as Belgium, the battle levels as a huge turning point in present history.[footnoteRef:1] It is clear that the Battle of Waterloo is distinguished for the reason that it is in this battle, that one of the world's utmost war stars, Napoleon Bonarparte, suffered a humbling loss and the end of his livelihood at the hands of a comparatively unfamiliar British general. Assuming Napoleon won his war against the Russians and English and maintained his triumph, and was able to pass his regime on to latter administrations which could have held the wins, here are some likely ways the world would have possibly been different. [1: And if Napoleon had won the Battle of Waterloo? May 7, 2014. http://www.thelocal.fr/20150611/and-if-napoleon-had-won-at-waterloo (accessed September 19, 2015).]
One way the world would have been different if he was able to win at Waterloo would be having complete control of France. If Bonaparte had decided forgiveness to the withdrawing British militaries of Wellington, history could have taken a totally dissimilar turn. The British militaries had decided something similar seven years before at Sintra, where French militaries had been allowed to leave from Portugal after numerous devastating battles. This type of an act of honor, although completely detached from Bonaparte's character, may well have been adequate to persuade the British that there might be a nonviolent purpose to the French concern.
If Napoleon Bonarparte had took legal action for some sort of harmony, before the coming of the Russian and Austrian armies, they would have more than likely discovered a new ally in possibly with Britain. With the two previous opponents working together to bring about a new era of peace, it is not beyond reason to suggest that the other part of Europe might have been of a mind to follow suit. The Congress system that was prevalent in Europe for the years following Bonaparte's collapse may well have still occurred but with a stronger leader speaking on behalf of France.
However, all of this would have been relying heavily on Bonaparte being able to not pay any attention all the earlier behaviors that had come to describe his rule. In order for this situation to work, Bonaparte would have had to cease behaving like some sort of power-hungry person and become a reasonable diplomatic attendance in Europe. One can even imagine that situation, had Bonaparte turn out to be the diplomat that Europe wanted him to be, the rise of Germany might have been meaningfully postponed.
Also, the revolutions of 1848 could have been a considerably smaller matter as there would have been no resentment concerning a French monarchy, which would have separated with Bonaparte's transformed rise to power, and as a result no revolt in France. With that being said, the French revolution, which was one of the greater and more volatile of the 1848 insurrections, would not have occurred to persuade the others across Europe. Short of the dissatisfaction all over Europe, we can effortlessly see a set-up in which a joint Germany never comes in to existence, successfully eliminating the threat of World War One in 1914 and, as a result, the subsequent World War twenty-five years later.
Another way the world would have been different if he had won the battle of waterloo was that the French Empire would have been massive. Domination would have for sure been on Bonaparte mind. He would have wanted to increase his territory way beyond the French borders. This could have been done because the French had a huge army. The French army was by far the most equipped of the three, consisting of approximately 74,000 soldiers; 48,000 infantries; 14,000 cavalries; 7,000 artilleries and 250 guns.[footnoteRef:2] It consisted primarily of veteran soldiers, a majority of whom had already taken part in one or more campaigns for Napoleon in the past. Differently from their counterparts, the French's cavalries were numerous and formidable, and included 14 regiments of armored and heavy cavalry and 7 highly versatile lancers. However, the Prussian army would have been no math in the perfect world because they did not have the manpower to defeat the French. For example, they consisted of 50,000 men from four groups. It consisted mostly of veterans, even though there also was a large amount of workforces. With that being said, Bonaparte had more than enough man power to run an empire. The French would have constructed a larger worldwide empire than they did, so instead of just being concentrated in Africa there would also be more French speaking settlements in the Americas and Asia and French would be more extensively articulated than it is today. [2: Cornwell, Bernard. Waterloo: The History of Four Days, Three Armies, and Three Battles. New York: Harper, 2015.]
These are some of the different histories that writers and specialists have imagined had Napoleon actually been victorious in the battle 200 years ago, which actually finished in his humbling downfall and banishment at the hands of British and Prussian militaries. Historian Helmut Stubbe da Luz supposed that had Napoleon compressed generals Wellington and Bluecher on the valley of Waterloo, he would have carried on his march as much as northern Germany.
Luebeck Hamburg Bremen, and would have turn out to be French again. That scenario, on the other hand, should maybe be taken with a pinch of salt, da Luz added, as the European kingdoms of the time would not have let an overthrow at Waterloo go unavenged for long. As Belgian historian Philippe Raxhon, an expert in the Battle of Waterloo, makes the point: "Waterloo was a complete victory for the followers but it would not have been a full success for Napoleon."[footnoteRef:3] [3: Leggiere, Michael V. Napoleon and the Struggle for Germany: The Franco-Prussian War of 1813 (Cambridge Military Histories) (Volume 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015.]
If he won the battle of Waterloo, China and Russia would have been on his list for a conquest. Nonetheless if one envisions that Bonaparte had sooner or later overpowered his European opponents in the long-term, his determinations later would have been obviously greater, historians supposed. "If Napoleon shadowed his new plans for 1810, he would have attacked Russia again and possibly extended his empire as far as China,"
An even more fundamental situation was put onward in the 19th century by the French author Louis Geoffroy. In his book he described how Napoleon was able to defeat China, revolving it into a meager "Asian sphere." The 1836 substitute history book -- a literary genre that envisions similar realisms and consist of classics for example Philip K. Dick's "The Man in the High Castle" centering around United States lost to Germany and Japan -- Geoffroy takes everything back to three years before Waterloo. "I transcribed the history of Bonaparte from 1812 to 1832, from Moscow in blazes to the worldwide realm and his demise, 20 years of nonstop amassed splendor which raised him to an all-influential level above whom there is merely God," he engraved in the outline to the novel.
However, living up under an all-commanding Napoleon Bonaparte would have been a different story. Napoleon was a ruler but not a backward-looking ruler like the Tsar of Russia. The research shows that some experts believe that Napoleonic rule across continental Europe, well-adjusted by Britain's long-term nautical supremacy, would not essentially have been that bad for the world. They think that the dictatorship that Napoleon exported to the nations under his power was a recession compared to the movement of the French Revolution, but then again it was not bad for his new subjects in Spain, Germany, Hollande, and Italy. Experts cited the "equivalence of rights for religious minorities and rural inhabitants, the right to vote for men, a new judicial organization and an expanded financial area." "[footnoteRef:4] [4: Muir, Roy. Wellington: Waterloo and the Fortunes of Peace 1814-1852. Yale: Yale University Press, 2015.]
If Bonaparte had of won Waterloo, there would have been a less-powerful Germany. Carefully seeing more into the future, the historians visualizes a continental Europe conquered by France during the course of the 19th century. Had that occurred Germany would not have turn out to be so strong throughout that period. Experts believe Germany would therefore perhaps not have been in a situation to incite a First and Second World War. Nevertheless imagining equivalent histories is uncertain business for historians. Other experts supposed that the causes of events are countless. A lot of these experts limited themselves to scenarios straight linked to the destinies of the main characters. For instance, a beaten Duke of Wellington would no doubt have resumed by sea to England by means of Ostend, for the reason that Wellington himself had imagined not winning the…
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The British general Arthur Wellesley beautifully fits the model of a maverick military commander offered by Robert Harvey in his work Maverick Military Leaders, the Extraordinary Battles of Washington, Nelson, Patton, Rommel, and Others. Maverick Military Leaders discusses Wellesley's first (and significant) battle against Maratha forces at the Battle of Assaye. In Harvey's formulation, the future Duke of Wellington can be understood to exhibit most, if not all, of the sixteen traits found in successful battlefield commanders; and indeed, Wellington would go on to defeat Napoleon and end the putative emperor's reign at the decisive Battle of Waterloo in 1815. The victory at Waterloo would secure Britain's position as a great power vis a vis continental politics and affairs for the next century-and-a-half. It can be fairly said that the qualities of leadership that Wellesley displayed at Assaye were a precursor in his eventually becoming one of the United Kingdom's greatest battlefield commanders. In fact, Wellington considered the fighting at Assaye to be his "finest battle" (Harvey, p. 195).
But what leadership characteristics did Wellesley display in the Indian campaigns? According to Harvey's framework, the general displayed the first trait of "outstanding and exemplary courage under fire" (Harvey, p. xlvi). According to Richard Cavendish at History Today, Wellesley personally led his troops to ford the Kaitna river and organize a bayonet attack against the Maratha forces and in fact, over the course of directing the battle, Wellesley would have two horses shot out from under him as he directed his troops against surprisingly effective counter-maneuvers by the stubborn Maratha forces (Harvey, p. 195; www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/battle-assaye). His courage and willingness to share the risks associated with battlefield fighting served as an example to this troops that he was not afraid to take the same dangers and threats that he would ask of the lowest ranking infantryman -- thus inspiring all his troops to take his lead and follow his example.
The second characteristic Wellesley displayed according to Harvey's schema was the "ability to think coolly and rationally on the battlefield" (Harvey, p xlvi). Harvey informs his readers that one of Wellesley's generals exclaimed that "no man could have shown a better example to his troops than he did. I never saw a man so cool and collected" (Harvey, p. 195). The fact that Wellesley was able to maintain his composure against a determined and numerically superior force and emerge victorious is a testament to his ability to "think coolly and rationally on the battlefield." As far as the third trait in Harvey's formulation goes -- the determination to make [his] own way to the top on merit -- in this too, we find Wellesley. Cavendish writes that Wellesley's peers and rivals were convinced he received his command due to the fact that his brother was the Governor-General of India, but nevertheless, Wellesley's accounting of himself at Assay (and in his future battles) proved that he had the necessary mettle to be a legitimate premier battlefield commander (Cavendish).
As far as the schema's sixth and seventh traits, the ability to have a strategic and tactical…
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[file_content] => " (p. 164) the army of Charles was defeated in this battle however, it was not destroyed. The total loss of life in this campaign for each side of the battle was astronomical.
Chancellorsville
The work of Lieutenant Colonel Herman L. Gilster entitled: "Robert E. Lee and Modern Decision Theory" published in the Air University Review (1972) states in the Battle of Chancellorsville, in Virginia in May 1863 involved a battle between the Union Army of the Potomac, headed by Major General Joseph L. Hooker and the Army of Northern Virginia, led by General Robert E. Lee. Specifically stated is:
During the campaign, Lee, with a force approximately half the size of Hooker's, repulsed the North's advance into Virginia and achieved a strategic victory that has been studied by students of military art throughout the world. However, today's critics of the quantitative-oriented decision tools being used by our military services say that this battle would never have transpired if these same tools had been used then. They feel that under the present decision-making process Lee would not have met Hooker's advance but instead would have retreated to southern Virginia or even into North Carolina. Contrary to that course, Lee decided to give battle, and he won a brilliant victory." (Gilster, 1972)
Gilster writes that in this battle "Lee had interpreted Hooker's strategy. Leaving Major General Jubal Early, C.S.A., with 10,000 men to face Sedgwick, Lee moved his units towards Chancellorsville. The first clash occurred on the afternoon of the first, and Hooker, apparently having lost his courage, gave up the initiative and recalled his much larger force to Chancellorsville into a defensive position. That night Lee and Lieutenant General "Stonewall" Jackson, aware of Hooker's hesitancy, conceived a daring plan. Lee would maintain his position with approximately 17,000 men and demonstrate against Hooker's front, while Jackson would take the remaining force, using Major General Jeb Stuart's cavalry as a screen, and turn the enemy flank." (1974) it took most of the next day for this movement by Lee's army however, just prior to sunset "Jackson struck Hooker's exposed flank. The battle raged during the night until the Federal Army gave way before Jackson's thrusts." (Gilster, 1974)
Tillburg (1990) states: "Lee had suffered an irreparable loss at Chancellorsville when "Stonewall" Jackson was mortally wounded. Now reorganized into three infantry corps under Longstreet, a.P. Hill, and R.S. Ewell, and a cavalry division under J.E.B. Stuart, a changed Army of Northern Virginia faced the great test that lay ahead. "Stonewall" Jackson, the right hand of Lee, and in the words of the latter the finest executive officer the sun ever shone on," was no longer present to lead his corps in battle'." (1990) the maneuver utilized by Lee in Chancellorsville was that of the 'envelopment'. (the Molossian Naval Academy, nd)
IV. DEFEATS of NAPOLEON and LEE COMPARED
Te battle of Asper-Essling was one of defeat for Napoleon. One reason believed that Napoleon's army suffered defeat in this battle is because Napoleon "...failed to take into account the murderous violence of artillery fire of the Austrians."(Epstein, 1994) Epstein notes the "...high proportion of Austrian guns" to the men in the army of Napoleon. (p.101) in a letter to Eugene, Napoleon wrote that he believed his army has faced more than 400 guns in the battle of Asper-Essling. Because of this, Napoleon is said to have secured 683 guns prior to entering the Wagram Campaign. Smothers (2007) writes that mistakes made by Lee in the Civil War Battle of Antienam included that Lee, "...against the advice of his subordinate generals chose to fight in an area with the Potomac at his army's back and insufficient room to maneuver and totally outnumbered." However, while the confederate plans were known to McClellan leading the Union army he was nevertheless suffering "what Lincoln called the 'slows'." (Smothers, 2007) Antienam ended up being called a 'draw' with neither side winning this battle. Smothers writes that Lee made mistakes in two other battles: (1) the Battle of Fredericksburg: Lee defeated Burnside but chose the wrong battlefield. Burnside moved back North with no decisive victor in this battle; (2) During the Battle of Gettysburg "when he ordered a ruinous charge against entrenched Union forces up Missionary ridge." (Smothers, 2007)
V. The BATTLE of WATERLOO and the BATTLE of GETTYSBURG
The battle of Waterloo was the last battle of Napoleon's career and was a defensive battle following wet weather. Robert M. Epstein, in the work entitled: "Napoleon's Last Victory and the Emergence of Modern War" writes that in his use of 'Napoleonic' war tactics, Robert E. Lee made a decision that Gettysburg should be a decisive war - and indeed it was because it was this battle that determined the winner of the Civil War. Epstein additionally states in Chapter 12 "The Emergence of Modern War" that the decisive victories of Napoleon "were only possible against the obsolete armies of the 'ancien regime'." Epstein writes that a war is considered modern "when it was marked by the fullest mobilization of the resources of the state, and when operational campaigns were used to achieve strategic objectives in the various theaters of operation." (1994) Additionally "those operational campaigns were characterized by the use of opposing symmetrical armies raised by conscription, organized into army corps, maneuvered in a distributed fashion so that tactical engagements are sequenced and often simultaneous, with decentralized command and control, and a common doctrine." (Epstein, 1994)
Rory Muir, in the work entitled: "Tactics and the Experience of Battle in the Age of Napoleon" relates that the smoke was so thick at Waterloo that is was described as "we breathed a new atmosphere - the air was suffocating hot, resembling that issuing from an oven. We were envelope din thick smoke' or 'we every instant expecting through the smoke to see the Enemy appearing under our noses, for the smoke was literally so thick that we could not see ten yards off." (1998; p. 21) Muir describes Waterloo as being a battlefield that was "unusually small" and one that had that day "a high density of soldiers and particularly intense fighting on positions which scarcely changed throughout the day. Evidently there was little or no wind, and both Hougoumont and La Haye Sainte caught fire, adding to the murk." (1998; p.24)
Tillburg (1990) states of the battle of Gettysburg:
The gently rolling farm lands surrounding the little town of Gettysburg, Pa., was fought one of the great decisive battles of American history. For 3 days, from July 1 to 3, 1863, a gigantic struggle between 75,000 Confederates and 97,000 Union troops raged about the town and left 51,000 casualties in its wake. Heroic deeds were numerous on both sides, climaxed by the famed Confederate assault on July 3, which has become known throughout the world as Pickett's Charge. The Union victory gained on these fields ended the last Confederate invasion of the North and marked the beginning of a gradual decline in Southern military power." (Tillberg, 1990)
Even the greatest among military commanders make mistakes. Some of these are exampled in Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo and Lee's defeat at Gettysburg. Robert E. Lee, Confederate field commander is known to have made a great mistake on July 3, 1863 in a wheat field in Pennsylvania. Nearly 13,000 Americans were ordered forward in what was suicide mission. There were three reasons that Lee ordered Pickett to charge:
1) Lee believed that it was the weakest point in the Union Defense Line (directly at the center); (2) Lee thought that Colonel Anderson's artillery would soften the Union Defenses enough to enable his infantry to carry the ride;
Lee was convinced that the Army of North Virginia was unable to be beaten on the field of battle. The Confederate Army of Northern Virginia numbered over 74,000 men and had defeated the Union army in the two previous battles. (Tillberg, 1990)
Furthermore, Lee had received reports from Confederate scouts that reinforcements were moving toward the Union army, which were damaged by the Confederate attacks. When Lee heard this he believed that the army must be weakest at its' center. The second point of consideration was that Lee's army was low on cannon shell therefore the prospect was of either division of artillery and attack of the Union at its flank again or concentration of artillery in what was to be one last assault upon the weakest part of the Union army. Lee had instilled a great amount of faith in Napoleonic tactics. Finally, Lee was sure that the Northern Virginia Army was an unbeatable force. Factors that Lee failed to consider the first of which was that while the Union Army did receive reinforcements on both flank sides the center of the Army was stronger than Lee had anticipated as there were approximately 20,000 as compared to the belief of Lee that there were only 5,000 at the center. Additionally, instead of…
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The Gallantry and Repugnance of War in Poetry (19th and 20th centuries)
The history of war had long been portrayed into two radically different ways in literature: realistic and romantic. The realistic imagery of war and conflict primarily depicts the feeling of patriotism and at the same time, disillusionment of humanity as deaths and destruction dominate. Portrayals of betrayed loyalty and wastage of human lives and property are common images illustrated when describing the state of war. Of course, these images were derived from experience, hence giving this imagery of war a realistic feel and thought. Romantic images of war also abound, and are usually shown as the anti-thesis or 'positive' side of going to war. The romantic depiction of war shows the gallantry or desirability of engaging in war: the war symbolized the patriotism of people, pledging their allegiance and loyalty to their country or group. War portrayed through romantic imagery is a noble cause, a means towards a just end (achieving peace and order in the process).
These two images of the war are depicted effectively in the poetry of William Wordsworth, Rudyard Kipling, Guy Jones, and Alfred Lord Tennyson. These poets from the 19th and 20th centuries have expressed the real and romantic images that pervaded wars and conflicts among human societies. In the analysis of each poet's literary work, this paper looks at how Wordsworth, Kipling, Jones, and Tennyson used both realism and romanticism in illustrating the repugnant and gallant qualities of war and conflict, respectively. In the texts that follow, the following works by the author are analyzed according to the theme of gallantry and repugnance of war in poetry: "The charge of the light brigade" by Tennyson, "A tear for those who gave their all" by Jones, "The white man's burden" by Kipling, and "Occasioned by the Battle of Waterloo" by Wordsworth.
In the poem "The charge of the light brigade" (1854), poet Tennyson expressed in a mixture of realistic and romantic elements the noble cause of war. In it, he explicated how, embedded within the inevitable loss of lives of the soldiers is the deeper meaning of peace and unity that can only be achieved during times of conflict. Indeed, he was aware of the perils of war, and already established in the first stanza of the poem that war or conflict is described as "[i]nto the valley of Death Rode the six hundred." These lines demonstrated how war prepared humanity for death and destruction for a more meaningful end -- that is, war is the just the means toward an end. This was supported by Tennyson's reference to the soldier, a 'man who was not dismayed' despite the threats of apparent death in the war: "Their's not to make reply; Their's not to reason why; Their's but to do and die." The use of poetic elements as well as portrayal of the gallantry of war allowed…
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[file_content] => Bias of Authors Regarding America Dropping the Atom Bomb on Japan
This paper examines what has been written about the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan, following the attack on Pearl Harbor. The writer details several articles and explores where the writer is coming from and what may have led to a particular slant on a story regarding the bomb. There were six sources used to complete this paper.
THE BIAS OF AUTHORS REGARDING THE ATOM BOMB AND JAPAN
The atom bomb was dropped on Japan to make a statement to the world. It was not just that the U.S. wanted Japan to understand attacking Pearl Harbor was wrong, but Japan was the example the United States made for the world. The message was loud and clear that if the U.S. is attacked the enemy will be hit back ten fold and then some. In addition to it being a message to the world the use of the atom bomb in the situation was cost effective. The United States could choose to send in many troops, incur loss of life, military property and finances or it could choose to drop atom bombs and be done quickly and efficiently. The second choice was the most obvious one given the circumstances at the time. The country was aching for revenge and the government had just lost many pieces of property that would have to be replaced financially. Dropping the atom bomb took care of the enemy, it cost far less than ground and air and sea attacks would have, and there was very little loss of life for America during the bomb attack with huge losses to the Japanese. All in the atom bomb was the wise and prudent choice facing at the time. Before one can fully begin to compare and contrast the dropping of the bomb on Japan one must understand and realize that anything written on the subject comes with certain preconceived ideas and opinions. Regardless of how objective the writer attempts to be in the work one cannot help but have personal bias seep through to the story. It is important to understand this when one is working to study the atom bomb use in Japan and to understand its impact.
In Raymond Davis' Clear Conscience: The Atom Bomb Vs. The Super Holocaust the reader is treated to a front door view of several aspects leading to and then following the bomb dropping on Hiroshima (Davis, 2000). The author is convinced that the use of the atom bomb was the only rational option at the time. He spends his book explaining and detailing the problems that would have occurred had the president chosen a ground war instead of using the bomb. According to Davis, the United States saved millions of lives by deciding to use the bomb instead of go in with a traditional war strategy. The author believes that every veteran has the right to know that the bomb was a necessary evil and using the bomb actually prevented loss of life (Davis, 2000). The author is biased toward the use and makes no bones about his bias whatsoever. He uses statistics to prove the bomb saved more lives than it took. His background provides him an automatic bias toward the decisions that were made. With military background within his life it is natural that he is going to look at the bottom line. Former veterans contributed to the book and the argument that the bomb was the answer as well (Davis, 2000).
In this writing the actual effects of the bomb are explored. The author uses a very objective approach when she details the positive as well as the negative aspects of using a bomb on Japan. The author differs in this work from what Davis wrote in that there is a balance to the explanation. Davis was all of for use of the bomb and refused to enlighten his mind as to whether there might have been any other way (Roleff, 2000). This book is written differently because it presents both viewpoints. It discusses not only what the effect of the bomb were but also what the effects might have been had a bomb not been dropped and a ground war had been tried instead.
Part of the difference in the two writings may come from the different backgrounds of the author. The military understanding and foundation of Davis is different than background of Roleff. The background of an author plays a part in the slant that is put on the work whether or not the slant was intended to be there (Roleff, 2000).
The victims of the atom bomb who lived to tell about it are often used as speakers at churches and other locations. It is used in the effort to promote peace and to discourage the use of military force internationally (Hate, 2002). "Surviving burns and injuries from the American atom bomb, and enduring a mental torture that for 40 years prevented her speaking of the experience, Bun was gracious and cheerful in Christchurch yesterday. She thanked the city for being nuclear-free and encouraged it to maintain the stance as a light to the world (Hate, 2002)."
While most people would fully understand a hate filled anger had the been the target of such an attack the woman in this article feels no hate. She is the perfect representative for the cause because she feels no hate. She gives her speech, shows her battle scars and then entertains the room with her compassion for others (Hate, 2002). The author of the article presents the story in the light of peace and the discouragement of military force being used.
I do not feel any hate. I saw the worst extremes of the human condition but, even there, I do not recall hostility or hatred from the people around me. The overwhelming feeling was one of care and love, driven by the desire in those who had suffered to look after those who had suffered more. I do not remember any words of hate or hostility (Hate, 2002)."
She was 14 when the bomb was dropped and she lived among survivors as many others died. According to the victim the United States did not have to use the atom bomb. She believes the states would have won the war anyway and completely rejects any notion that the bomb was what put the end to the war with no other options (Hate, 2002). The author is biased against the use of the bomb. It shows in the way the author approaches the topic at hand. The author does not present any facts for the use of the bomb and instead chooses to use the plight of the victim to color the reception of the story that is written (Hate, 2002).
The United States long ago should have apologized to the world for dropping an atom bomb on Hiroshima Aug. 6, 1945, and another three days later on Nagasaki ("Sanitizing the flight of Enola Gay, " Counterpoints, Monday) (Selig, 1994). Historians hundreds of years from now, when recalling World War II, will mention only two things - the Holocaust and Hiroshima. Everything else about the conflict will have faded into insignificance. Whatever battlefield justification can be thought up, the mushroom cloud transformed qualitatively the horror of war. Actually, there was no justification (Selig, 1994)."
This work is an obviously very slanted and opinionated piece of writing. The author does use facts such as when it happened, who gave the order, how the decision was arrived at to drop the bomb. The bomb was something that killed over 140,000 civilians in two of Japan's cities. There was no warning that it was coming, and the people were in the streets, shopping at the stores and children were playing with their childhood innocence having no idea what was about to happen (Selig, 1994).
The author used the work of historian Gar Alperovitz to underscore his opinion that the bomb was not something that needed to be used. It was overkill according to this author and it was something that was horrific even beyond the usual horrors of a war (Selig, 1994).
Japan would have surrendered even if the bombs had not been dropped... even if no invasion had been planned. President Harry S. Truman was advised not to use the bombs by such figures as Adm. William D. Leahy, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower." Alperovitz also wrote in the New York Times, "Political considerations overwhelmed military imperatives in the decision (Selig, 1994)."
While the other authors used either their own opinions or the story of one victim this author used several previously published sources to prove his point. One such source was the writings of a chief of staff who advised Truman not to drop the bomb (Selig, 1994).
In Modern Maturity magazine, December 1985, it was stated there was no justification: "Adm. William D. Leahy, chief of staff, made…
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[file_content] => interventionism from the perspective of realism vs. idealism. Realism is defined in relationship to states' national interests whereas idealism is defined in relation to the UN's Responsibility to Protect doctrine -- a doctrine heavily influenced by Western rhetoric over the past decade. By addressing the question of interventionism from this standpoint, by way of a case study of Libya and Syria, a picture of the realistic implications of "humanitarian intervention" becomes clear. Idealistically, humanitarian interventionism is a process that stops atrocities and establishes peace and prosperity. Realistically, interventionism allows Western businesses to reap the spoils of destabilization -- as has been seen in Libya with the Libyan oil fields being claimed by Western oil companies -- and as is being seen in Syria, with the threat of invasion bound to have detrimental effects on the construction of a new pipeline that bypasses the Turkey-Israel pipeline. Syria also presents itself as the last bastion for Russian naval presence in the Mediterranean, a role that Russia is not likely to see Syria yield up, and which poses significant problems to the West as it readies itself for a possible strike on Syria. This paper asks: What are the Western states' national interests in humanitarian intervention in Libya and Syria? It examines the need for intervention, discusses the evidence of atrocities, and concludes that even when evidence is apparent there is no consistency in terms of Western response. Only when Western powers see an opportunity to secure their national self-interests does intervention become an imperative. This study concludes that humanitarian intervention is at best an idealistic notion that the UN supports and at worst it is an oxymoron, a glossy facade that allows Western powers to raid countries from which it has something to gain.
Interventionism -- Locating the Line between Humanitarian Ideals and States' Realistic National Interests: a Case Study of Libya and Syria.
INTRODUCTION
Over the past 300 years humanitarian interventions have not had a consistent enough basis to determine a framework in international law (Evans 2008). What is the essence of the humanitarian intervention? What is its aim, its objective? Because every country-state and every contextual situation is different, it is likely that every aim will be different. But a general understanding of the objective of humanitarian interventionism should be clear in a geopolitical landscape filled in recent times with rumors war and/or intervention.
This study proposes that the popular framework for debating interventionism is flawed by an idealistic approach. It argues that governments like that of the U.S. are, historically speaking, not nearly as idealistic in their reasons for intervention as statesmen like McCain, Kerry and Biden and the popular press make them seem to be. This study asserts that the reality of interventionism is based more on states' national self-interest than on a desire to administer humanitarian aid (Evans 2008).
This study approaches the issue of interventionism from a case study perspective. By immersing himself in the situational context of interventionism in both Libya and Syria, the researcher is able to observe in a qualitative way the actual reality of interventionism -- as it is conceived, developed, administered, and concluded -- in the cases of Libya and Syria. The situational context of interventionism is observed by gathering a multitude of perspectives from varying sides of the interventionism/anti-interventionism debate, including that of Western powers (NATO), forces within Libya and Syria, and opposing voices (Russia, China). The researcher focuses on issues of legality, right, will, intent, consequence, and achievement in order to determine the reality of interventionism.
The relevancy of this study should readily be apparent to everyone from investors on Wall Street to humanitarian watchdog groups. On 27 August 2013, both the Nasdaq and the DOW dropped significantly as news of U.S. intervention in Syria spread across the Internet (Berman 2013). The effect of interventionism is not lost on the financiers of the world -- and it is surely felt by all members of society, whether in fluctuating prices of oil, gold, or non-essentials, or in the cost of lives, time, material, and/or the mental/social/spiritual stability of members of all societies.
This study is also extremely timely and relevant. The Benghazi assault in 2012 brought the issue of the consequences of interventionism to the forefront in both popular and alternative media (Chivvis 2012; Lobe 2013; Campbell 2013). And the current geopolitical climate surrounding Syria is bringing the issue of interventionism to the forefront once more (nearly one year later). The politics of intervention raises questions regarding the "obligation" of offering humanitarian aid to countries -- and it also raises issues regarding international law, the possibility of geopolitical backlash, and the effectiveness of such military interventions. As NATO countries prepare a military strike on Syria, voters and representatives in those countries should be aware of the moral hazard, the geopolitical hazard, and the economic hazard of engaging in foreign intervention. When the question of interventionism is approached realistically rather than idealistically, a new picture emerges -- one that is characterized by a policy of national self-interest on the part of the intervening countries. The question is: What do these intervening countries stand to gain from humanitarian intervention? How is their national interest served?
Historically speaking, the policy of Western interventionism has been likened by Maj. Gen. Smedley Butler to racketeering. Upon his retirement after 33 years in the Marine Corps, Butler toured the U.S. giving a speech regarding the state of American foreign policy and the military's role in that policy. Butler's assessment of foreign intervention is worth quoting in full, but a brief quote about his role in active duty service will suffice to make the point: "I spent most of my time being a high class muscle-man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism" (Butler 1933). Butler's words, as colorful as they are, impressed many at the time, but they have since failed to make a significant impression on American foreign policy. That policy, rather, has continued to be formulated by men Butler describes as "finger men' to point out enemies, & #8230;'muscle men' to destroy enemies, & #8230;'brain men' to plan war preparations, and a 'Big Boss' Super-Nationalistic-Capitalism" (Butler 1933). Scott (2007) has identified them as the insider members of what he calls "deep politics" -- the inner core of government, the layers of which are so complex that it is difficult to factually discern who is doing what, why, and how. The "deep politics" of Western governments only serves to cloud the issue of humanitarian interventionism. Dispelling that cloud is imperative to this study.
Researchers who are aware of Butler's assertions and the findings of the Nye Committee upon which they were partly-based have taken issue with the modern-day system of politics (Stone, Kuznick 2012), disputing its worth, its transparency, and its "humanitarian" objectives. Others who reject Butler's characterization of interventionism see NATO countries' interventions as necessary maneuvers in a world slowly but surely progressing towards a global embracement of democratic ideals (Bellamy 2010).
Thus, implicit in the politics of intervention is the dispute between two worldviews, one which is fundamentally rooted in realism and one which is fundamentally rooted in idealism. The realistic view tends to promote a foreign policy guided by national interests. The idealistic view tends to promote a foreign policy guided by a vision of international democracy and liberal culture/values. The former suggests a Machiavellian outlook. The latter suggests a Progressivist outlook. In the politics of intervention, while there may appear to be a Progressive, idealistic reason for military intervention in countries like Libya and Syria, there are always those who point towards a more realistic, Machiavellian interpretation of such acts of military intervention.
This paper will approach the problem of realism vs. idealism in the question of interventionism by adopting a qualitative case study analysis. It will assess whether military interventions promote humanitarianism or whether they promote states' national interests. The recent interventions in Libya and Syria will be used as case studies.
What exactly does military interventionism intend to achieve? What have been the results in Libya? How does it find a context in today's Syrian affair? These questions serve as the framework for the focus of this study.
Statement of Problem
The problem addressed in this study is the role of the great Western Powers' national interest in foreign interventions. It adopts a realistic point-of-view in challenging the idealistic, status quo perspective which asserts that the West (NATO) has a duty and a right to interfere in nations where governments exercise inhumane dictatorships. If, indeed, NATO is primarily concerned with curbing mass killings, unlawful immigration, genocide, abuses against human and women's rights, etc. -- why has it done so little in regions like Darfur or Iran? -- and why does it support the erection of one nation (Israel) while causing the displacement of another (Arab)? Studies have shown that the principal Western Powers have a political, geopolitical, and economical reason for intervening or not…
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[file_content] => Successes and Failures of Napoleon Bonaparte
Napoleon Bonaparte was the most successful leader of his era. His life consisted of many accomplishments followed by a few failures. Napoleon was born on 15 August 1979 in Ajaccio, which is the capital of the island of Corsica. He attended school at the age of 9 in France, and later got admitted to the military school in Paris at the age of 15. Napoleon was exceptionally good in his studies, especially mathematics, which made him a second deputy of artillery at the age of 16. He went to Corsica three times at the beginning of the French Revolution in order to set the Revolution there. All his efforts were unsuccessful. In 1793, his superiors noticed his exceptional artillery performance during the siege of Toulon, which resulted to his promotion as a brigadier-general of the artillery by the Committee of Public Safety. Napoleon as a Jacobin lost his commission in 1794 when Robespierre was killed. To save himself, he disowned any involvements with the Jacobins. He was back in his military uniform by 1975, protecting the Directory. Napoleon became prominent when he fostered an attempted coup against the Directory. This worked in his favour, resulting in his appointment as a commander in chief of the Army of Italy. The successful days of his military had just started[footnoteRef:1]. [1: Tim, McNeese, The Age of Napoleon. (St. Louis, Mo: Milliken Pub, 2000), 16]
Napoleon is well-known as one of history's greatest and prominent military commanders. Through his reformation of the French army, his capability to handle clashes with great manoeuvre and his adaptable and unusual strategies of handling the armies, he was successful in dominating the European battle field during most of his career.[footnoteRef:2] [2: "Napoleon as a Military Commander: The Limitations of Genius." Napoleon as a Military Commander: The Limitations of Genius. Accessed April 14, 2016. http://www.napoleonseries.org/research/napoleon/c_genius.html. ]
After the demise of Robespierre in the summer of 1794, the ultimate consequences brought about by the French Revolution did not end. The breakdown of Jacobin force and the formation of the Directory in Paris as the regulatory body of the country also did not result in the termination of those consequences. The men of this five-person committee government were regularly part of themselves. The Revolution could not resolve the crucial issue of a financial crisis that was faced by the nation with the decreasing face value of paper money assignats to one percent. The Directory did his best to overcome the poverty, hunger and bankruptcy in the country by bringing back the assignats and delivering new currency, but it didn't work in their favour[footnoteRef:3]. The Directory was dependent on the backing from the military to keep itself in power, but in 1797, its political force came to an end due to lack of military support. In the same year, the army expelled the administrative and judicial divisions of the French Government. Napoleon Bonaparte took hold of the power by force at the end of 1799. He ended 10 years of war, reform and defeat known as the French Revolution, and set up a military autocracy. French history from 1799 to 1815 is largely based on the success stories of Napoleon's power. Throughout the battles with the prominent authorities of Europe, Napoleon proved to be an exceptional political leader and military contriver. He introduced a new constitution in France called the Consulate, after the defeat of the Directory. The structure of the Consulate was familiar with the Roman Republic and its Later Empire of ancient times. Napoleon was a military dictator who confirmed himself as a First Consul. Later in 1804, he emerged as an emperor of France and the lands which he had captured. His political and military power was at its peak after he strengthened victories over his European enemies, including Russians, Austrians and Prussians from 1805-1807. The years that followed were slow for him, with less or no victories. He completely over exhausted himself after his dreadful invasion of Russia in 1812. He continued to win wars in 1813 and 1814, bringing to an end his power and the resignation of his royal seat. Even though Napoleon was expelled to an island in the Mediterranean, he ran away and united with the French in 1815, which resulted in another defeat at the Battle of Waterloo in summer. Napoleon lived his final years on an island off the cost of West Africa where he ruminated, writing his records until his death in 1812.[footnoteRef:4] [3: William, Doyle. The Oxford History of the French Revolution. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003)] [4: McNeese, 16]
The third war of the league started when Austria and Russia united forces in 1805. Napoleon's strategies against the Austrians were successful. He conquered the Germans first and on October 17, 1805, he captured an Austrian army on the Danube River in Bavaria, which resulted in their disastrous defeat. In less than two months, once again Napoleon defeated Austrians at Austerlitz, north of Vienna. On December 2, he celebrated the first anniversary of his Emperor crowning. By the end of the year, Austrians gave up the control of northern Italian city-states including Venice.
On October 21, 1805, a British naval fleet forced the capture of the French and Spanish navy at the Battle of Trafalgar (Spain) near the Gibraltar streets under the supervision of Lord Nelson. Also, this battle meant that the British navy was to control its French counterparts throughout the battle. But Napoleon continued with his strategic tactics and had number of military victories when he trooped through Eastern Europe. Napoleon structured the coalition of the Rhine, which was a corporation of German states including Bavaria, Wurttemberg and Saxony against the Austrians and Prussians in 1806. Again in October, he took over control of one of the French Armies and conquered two Prussian armies, one near Auerstadt and other at Jena in Thuringia. The French trooped into the city of Berlin, the Prussian capital, by the end of the month. The French Emperor called a meeting with Russia's Leader Alexander I (ruled 1801-1825) and Prussia's Frederick William III (rules 1797-1840), highlighting to end their collusion in war. Both rulers agreed to appoint three of Napoleon's brothers as the new leaders of Holland, Westphalia and Naples, under the Treaty of Tilsit. Prussia had to pay war debts after losing half of its region. Napoleon, who was the ruling power over Europe, gave out a declaration called the Berlin Decree during the same month. This proclamation confirmed an association called the Continental System. This trade agreement stated that the states controlled by Napoleon and others in his support had to stop trading with the British. Later, their docks were to be shut down to all the British trading ships. After all these tactics, Napoleon expected to change the British decision.[footnoteRef:5] [5: McNeese, 19]
Portugal was captured by the French armies as it had not agreed to the Continental System, which was built to stop trading with the British. Right after that, Napoleon started campaigns in Spain. He defeated the Spanish monarch, Charles IV (rules 1788-1808) and Ferdinand; Charles' elected inheritor in 1808. Napoleon's brother was then elected as the King of Spain. The Spanish violence continued even after initiating the French sovereign in Spain. The French were being attacked by guerrilla soldiers sent by Spain for years. These soldiers were not trained, they fought with all the ordinary tools they could get such as axes, wooden sticks, farming tools and even roofing tiles which kept the Napoleon forces busy for seven or eight years. Known as Peninsular War in Spain, it lasted for years until 1814. The guerrilla forces not only fought the war for freedom, but also fought against the brutality of the French forces. Napoleon included Mamelukes in his forces. Mamelukes were Egyptian Muslims who were in support of Napoleon's execution of the Spaniards to threaten them; as a result, the guerrilla soldiers fought back fiercely. Ultimately, Spanish peasants were successful in capturing one French General who was boiled alive. After the General, a Spanish force defeated a certain French army, which was not directly under Napoleon's control by the summer of 1808 in Southern Spain. Other French forces were conquered by an English army in Portugal. These victories proved that the French forces could be defeated. After these losses, before the end of 1808, Napoleon himself directed an army into Spain and captured the city of Madrid. This could not stop the violence of Portugal and Spain. Their battles caused Napoleon to lose many of his men and francs, which he could not afford. After the successful attempt to stop the French forces on the Iberian Peninsula, other forces started the wars again. The Austrian forces initiated a war for freedom in the spring of 1809, to release the German states under the control of Napoleon, but they failed. This resulted in Austria losing over 30.000 square miles of its land, mostly to France. Napoleon encountered another resistance from Church in…
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[file_content] => Shopping in small, Mom -- and Pop stores here is more an activity to pasture for you daily staff of life. These are spots to pasture psyches, for society, for support." (Ibid)
V. LONDERVILLE - a SYNTHESIS of the RESEARCH
The work of Jane Londerville entitled: "Retail Services in Rural Towns: Measuring the Impact of Changes in Retail Environment" relates the fact that retail structure is undergoing rapid change in "both urban and rural settings." (2000) the big box store format has a strategy of construction on land that is cheaper and orders larger quantities of products while employing fewer workers in order to "make greater margins on their sales." (Londerville, 2000) the work of Stone (1995) is related in the work of Londerville. Stone (1995) measured the impact of several categories of retail sales in communities in Iowa that have had a Wal-Mart constructed as compared to those who have not. This study was continually updated each year between 1988 and 1993. Stone uses a calculation he refers to as a 'pull-factor' similar to a location quotient however, "based on retail sales rather than employment." (Londerville, 2000) Stone's study focuses on towns with populations between 5,000 and 30,000 and makes the following conclusions:
1) the year after Wal-Mart opens, towns experience an overall increase in their pull factor, but this levels off somewhat over time as the novelty of the Wal-Mart declines and as more Wal-Marts or their competitors open within the market area. Surprisingly, 25% of the Wal-Mart towns experience a drop in their pull factor after 2-3 years from what it was before the Wal-Mart opened. In the Wal-Mart towns, stores operating in categories that compete with Wal-Mart suffered declines in their pull factors. Retailers offering products or services complementary to Wal-Mart's experienced an increase in their pull factor. Presumably shoppers come to Wal-Mart and stay in town to eat or buy gas;
2) for the towns with no Wal-Mart, the pull factor declined for all categories except food stores. The decline for these communities is greater now than it was when Stone began his study, possibly as a result in the increase in the density of Wal-Mart stores and other big box retailers in the area; and 3) When he measures pull factors after five years, sales in small towns (under 5,000 population) that are within 20 miles of a Wal-Mart store, experienced sales declines of 25.4% versus 17.6% for those further away." (Londerville, 2000)the work of Dahms (1985) examines how the "functions of various Ontario municipalities have changed since the turn of the century..." debunking common myths surrounding rural employment. Dahms provides a description for what he refers to as "specialized towns" and indicates that specialization is strategic survival for these towns, whether this strategy be "conscious or evolutionary." (Londerville, 2000)
Dahms notes that shoppers in these small towns have a 'Saturday routine' (Londerville, 2000) This routine is stated to involve the visiting of "a number of stores in a particular sequence, perhaps with a stop for coffee or a meal part way through. These routines are part of daily life and the quality of the interaction with salespersons affects the shopper's assessment of satisfaction with the transactions..." And this speaks again toward the theme of cultural heritage within a town or community and the quality of life in that town. Specifically on this particular point Londerville states: "The retail sector in a community provides an important component of the informal social structure of the community; it allows residents to interact in an unplanned way and to discuss issues facing the town." (2000)
VI. SUMMIT REPORT - WATERLOO-GUELPH
In a report of a summit concerning economic development in Guelph and Waterloo it was stated by Gerry Thompson that a great need for "more efficient municipal governance" existed who noted "that the two tiers of local government can be too cumbersome a way to promote and support innovation." (2002) it is stated that "clusters must be fostered and marketed by all stakeholders...and the response to population growth must be innovative urban design, not sprawl." (Innovation in Canada, 2002) Furthermore, required is a "less complex arrangement...in federal and provincial funding of municipal infrastructure in support of a more innovative regional economy..." (Innovation in Canada, 2002) Additionally there is a requirement for "more municipal autonomy within the new Ontario Municipal Act." (Innovation in Canada, 2002)
SUMMARY and CONCLUSION
In order that communities and towns combat these phenomenon of death in downtown it is necessary that planning for sustainable economic development strategy be focused upon and that commitment from all sectors of the community be gained in standing with the city council and sometimes postured against the city council in keeping these agreements concerning economic construction and development patterns in the community the city Guelph is has clearly demonstrated the effectiveness of this cohesion and commitment. Furthermore the call of Thompson for more autonomy in the municipal governance of town is a key component in the successful economic development strategy that combats death of the downtown.
Bibliography
Bennett, Ben (2003) Big Box Battle: Guelph's Citizens Favour Community Values and Smaller Developments, but They are Up Against Powerful Forces. Alternatives Journal. 22 Jun 2003. Online available at http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/summary_0199-3139860_ITM
Guanajuato: The Death of Heritage (2007) Journal a Day: Travel 28 July 2007. Online available at http://www.journal-a-day.com/Travel/392019-guanajuato-the-death-of-heritage.html.
Londerville, Jane (2000) Retail Services in Rural Towns: Measuring the Impact of Changes in the Retail Environment. The Cutting Edge 2000. Consumer Studies - University of Guelph. Ontario Canada. Online available at http://www.rics.org/NR/rdonlyres/4B293EFC-AE4C-41DE-96E1-ADB63ACD19C9/0/retail_services_in_rural_towns_20000101.pdf
Guelph Community Survey (2006) Final Report 18 July 2006. Online available at http://guelph.ca/uploads/Council_and_Committees/Growth-Management/Guelph-Community-Survey-Final-Report.pdf
Summit-Report -…
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[file_content] => planning is equivalent to explaining the importance of time management. Stack (2000) argues that every minute spent in planning translates into 10 additional minutes for execution that are gained. 10 minutes a planning will translate into 100 additional minutes, which is 1 hour and 40 minutes.
I always find how important planning is at work. I always start my day with a shortlist of the most important things that I need to get done through the day. This shortlist helps me prioritize as well, because only the essential things will go on the list. By the end of the day, completing the list means getting the most important things done, a good feeling about a day at work.
"The world as we have created it is a process of our thinking. It cannot be changed without changing our thinking." (Einstein) and "Everyone thinks of changing the world, but no one thinks of changing himself." (Tolstoi) are two good quotes to start a discussion about dealing with change and the main idea is that individuals always need to deal with change themselves before dealing with change in a wider context.
I moved to Japan for several years some time back. There were changes and challenges for everyone involved, including the family. My initial approach was to monitor their change processes and ensure that everything was going well. I then realized that I had to handle my own change process before helping them with theirs, because that would make things easier for everyone involved. It is like in the plane, where you first need to put your own mask on before putting the mask on your child's face. So, I started going to Japanese events, immersing myself in the Japanese culture and making sure I took in as much as possible. It was then easier for me to take my children and the rest of the family to Japanese shows, explain to them things, help them in a more effective manner.
4. It is believed that one of the reasons that Napoleon lost the Battle of Waterloo (the other being, of course, the fact that he had the entire of Europe against him and that he had already gone through generations of French soldiers, with little recruiting base left) was the lack of effective communication (which, by a logical correlation, will come to show that, with effective communication, he could…
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[file_content] => Clausewitz's "Paradoxical Trinity" March 16, 2012
Clausewitz
Carl Von Clausewitz, the prominent theorist of war, stated that "a certain grip of military affairs is essential for those in control of general policy."First identifying the actuality of government leaders not being military experts, and the only sound measure is to formulate the commander-in-chief a member of the cabinet. Governments, are organized when their chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is by regulation the top military consultant to the president. The evidence of military success in this century specifies that Clausewitz was right. The deeper the association between the nation's senior military commanding officers and the government, the more successful that nation is in using the military instrument of foreign policy to achieve national political objectives.
The paradoxical trinity is one of the Clausewitzian perceptions which have been most recurrently cited in all of current military literature. Given that interpretations of Clausewitz are a cause of such extensive controversy, it seems significant to differentiate between what Clausewitz actually said and other perception of a trinity that are consequent from but not the same as the "remarkable trinity" defined in On War (Kinross, 2008).
This paper will include, Clausewitz's "paradoxical trinity" to analyze a specific war and addresses any one of the three terms in indication to Clausewitz, who spend a great deal of attempt in speculating about these three elements and their relationship with war. Clausewitz endeavored to do this work thoroughly, but he lacked an opinion about naval warfare, war troop disbursement, the psyche of the armed forces, the wars waged by younger people. These aspects would be taken up and analyzed by those who followed him. The argument in this paper uses Clausewitz's ideas and illustrates the nature of a war to be what means a state is eager to dedicate to combating a particular war vs. The nature of war in common.
Argumentative Essay
Carl von Clausewitz was born in Prussia in 1780. He was one theorist and thinker, and he had emerged out of the Napoleonic wars with a profound sense of warfare theories. It is in the light of Clausewitz's theories that many of the 19th and 20th century wars are perceived. Clausewitz's view's of war were that it was "suspended between three magnets," policy, probability, and passion. War was interspersed with these unusually related elements so that it was a kind of 'paradoxical trinity'.
He perceived war as being "politics by other means," and was probably his most well-known idea. He emphasized upon ideas if friction, chance, risk, and intelligence when he analyzed war. He also considered the psychological aspects which impacted those commanders and troops who were involved in warfare. Additionally, he wondered about the full blown and limited war. He was curious whether war was made stronger by taken a line of offense or defense.
Throughout the course of his military career, Clausewitz remained an intelligent reformer. He ranked at top of his class in 1804, and commenced his military career in the role of an aide to a Prussian prince in the wars of Jena and Aurestadt in 1806. The Prussian Army was defeated badly and Clausewitz was sentenced to a prison sentence, which he served on Parole in the vicinity of France. Upon returning to Prussia in 1807, he became an aide again to Scharnhorst in Koeninsberg. This was during the time 1807 to 1911, when Clausewitz discreetly assisted Scharnhorst to formulate ideas to restructure the Prussian military.
Their objective was to resist Napoleon rather than joining the forces that Napoleon was insisting upon Prussia to provide to take part in his upcoming Russian campaign. Clausewitz, along with about 30 other officers gave up their commission and joined the Russian Army. During 1812, Clausewitz contributed as a colonel in the Russian forces and was ultimately granted an entry back in the Prussian service in 1813. This was at the time when Napoleon was beaten in Russia.
Clausewitz headed the forces of Thiemann's corps during the battle at Waterloo and this gave him an opportunity to participate in a part for protecting Grouchy against the battlefield at Waterloo. This event had the potential to determine the consequence of the battle. In 1818, Clausewitz became the administrative director of the war college in Berlin and was eminent to the post of Major General.
He leveraged this chance to pen several battle campaign account of a historical and political nature. During this time, he also wrote the theories that would be included in his famous book On War. Clausewitz was about to be sent to Poland to govern the Prussian, where unfortunately cholera was rampant. Clausewitz too was afflicted by this disease and he died as a consequence of this disease in the same year.
Clausewitz perceived the co-relation between warfare theory and their practical implementation as being rather similar to the relationship between theory and practical implementation in the field of art or architecture. He felt very strongly that theory and practice were closely intertwined and complemented each other. Additionally, Clausewitz saw a similar link between theory and practice in art as that between theory and a natural practitioner. The military astuteness was akin to artistic genius. Clausewitz related Napoleon to Michelangelo or Beethoven, and felt that the resemblance here was not just of inner prestige and magnetism but also how they approached the methods of any craft. They comprehended these rules better than anyone else and ultimately became the masters of these rules. They were extremely adroit about breaking rules, as to when and why to do so. Additionally, they devised new rules. They did not neglect the original rules, but put them to use in a very smart way (Harris, 2008 ).
Clausewitz's theories are thought of as smart, authentic, and deep, and he proved to be among influential military theorists of contemporyary times. This was essentially true as far as the Prussian defeat of the French forces in 1870 captured the world's interest on their strategy and thought. But of all the three magnets of war, Clausewitz's expertise lay in the way he addressed political and strategic issues of tacking the enemy. This is quite evident is the events that have been discussed above. Clausewitz endeavored to do this work thoroughly, but he lacked an opinion about naval warfare, war troop disbursement, the psyche of the armed forces, the wars waged by younger people. These aspects would be taken up and analyzed by those who followed him.
Clausewitz connects rationality and violent forces primarily to one of three sets of human actors: the citizens, the army, and the administration. Clausewitz affirmed, "The first, the ultimate, the most far-reaching act of decision that the statesman and chief officer have to make is to ascertain the kind of war on which they are going on board. The nature of U.S. wars since World War II has been first and foremost asymmetric. With the arrival of nuclear weapons and complicated biological and chemical armaments, or weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the United States has relied on this artillery as a disincentive to those with similar capabilities. Asymmetric wars are the end result when their nature is restricted for one side and limitless for the other. The failure to distinguish the asymmetric nature of these wars contributed to their doubtful results. In the case of Vietnam, there was an evident assumption that U.S. dominance at the point of contact would escort to success. Though U.S. did not lose fight in the field, they lost the war to a long-suffering enemy eager to dedicate unlimited time and resources to their origin. Hence in such condition and war situation, the means which they were willing to commend did not accomplish a victory. They finished with a termination of hostilities under circumstances far short of our idea…
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Hughes proceeded to institute a system of "Confusing Military Structures," the www.CDNMilitary.casitecontinues. Battlefront unites were "constantly formed, disbanded, reformed and disbanded again"; and as though that wasn't enough, the Ross Rifle issue was another problem that Hughes' legacy is left with, according to the site. One army driver is quoted as saying, "To hell with the [Ross Rifle]. I'll take a club." In fact, Ross did not fully understand why soldiers objected to the use of the Ross Rifle, the military Web site claims, because even though Hughes "dressed up like a military officer while being Minister of the Militia," he was "nothing more than a civilian...and never did have to use the rifle in combat" (www.CDNMilitary.ca).
And the Ross Rifle wasn't the only snag in Hughes' pursuit of innovative wartime materials and technologies, the CNDMilitary site claims. Indeed, the "MacAdam shield-shovel" - termed a "Canadian-designed miracle" by Hughes, who always wanted Canada to show leadership in technologies - it turned out not so well. It had no handle, "was heavy, and could not stop a bullet at all...a completely useless piece of equipment" (www.CDNMilitary.ca).Thereason Hughes was so high on the potential of this shovel is apparently because Hughes' "young secretary" had dreamed up the idea "while observing war games in Switzerland in 1913" (www.DCNMilitary.ca).
Conclusion
As to why Sam Hughes continues to stir interest among editors and scholars, it is clear he was above all a true Canadian character, whose legacy jumps out of the historical record like a frog launching up and out of an open box that a small boy thought would keep him in custody. There were indeed successes during the controversial career of Sam Hughes, according to the Library and Archives Canada (www.collectionscanada.gc.ca).Oneof those successes was Hughes' ability to recruit men for the militia; by using "patriotic fervour" and by telling the "thousands of young men" who enrolled that the enemy would soon be "crushed," Hughes put together battalions at breakneck speed. But every publication and historical record of Sam Hughes also digs out his errors and mischief as well. The Library and Archives Canada points out that beyond the Ross Rifle disaster, Hughes' other attempts to provide his "boys" with equipment went awry; the boots "leaked"; the vehicles "lacked spare parts"; the military belts were "irregular"; and "much effort was wasted on limiting the consumption of alcohol."
In the Web site First World War, it is alleged that not only was Hughes' push for the Ross Rifle wrongheaded, there were "widespread accusations of corruption" in regard to the production of the rifle (www.firstworldwar.com).Andin addition, Hughes went over the heads of high commanders in Britain, and Prime Minister Borden dismissed Hughes from his duties there, the embattled colonel wrote to Borden. In his letter Hughes, defiant to the end, said to the Prime Minister that "...While, as a rule, your actions and manner to me... [have been] courteous... [you] have never been apparently frank or loyal [to me]."
Works Cited
CDNMilitary.CA. 2002. "The Canadian World War One Mobilization: A Complicated
Matter." Retrieved March 15, 2009, at http://www.cdnmilitary.ca/index.php?p=20.
Cook, Tim. 2004. "The Madman and the Butcher: Sir Sam Hughes, Sir Arthur Currie,
And Their War of Reputations." The Canadian Historical Review 85 no. 4, 695-719.
First World War. 2002. "Who's Who: Sam Hughes." Retrieved March 16, 2009, at http://www.firstworldwar.com/bio/hughes_sam.htm.
Haycock, Ronald G. Sam Hughes: The Public Career of a Controversial Canadian, 1885-1916. Waterloo, Ontario, Canada: Wilfred Lauier University Press, 1986.
Hughes, Sam. 1916. "Letter of Resignation - Sir Sam Hughes - We were there." Library
And Archives Canada. Retrieved March 16, 2009, at http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca.
Library and Archives Canada. 2000. "Canada and the First World War: We Were There Sir Sam Hughes." Retrieved March 16, 2009, at http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/firstworldwar/e.html.
Stewart, Robert. 2003. "The Obsessions of Sam Hughes." Beaver 83 no. 5, 14-21.
Trent University Archives. 2000. "Fonds Level Description - Hughes, Sir Samuel, 1853-
1921." Retrieved March 15, 2009, at http://www.trentu.ca/acmin/library/archives/83-1014.htm.
Ronald G. Haycock, Sam Hughes: The Public Career of a Controversial Canadian, 1885-1916, (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Lauier University Press, 1986), 1.
Trent University Archives, "Hughes, Sir Samuel, 1853-1921," Retrieved March 17, 2009, at http://www.trentu.ca/admin/library/archives/83-1014.html.
Tim Cook, "The Madman and the Butcher: Sir Sam Hughes, Sir Arthur Currie, and Their War of Reputations," the Canadian Historical Review 85, no. 4 (2004): 693.
Robert Stewart, "The Obsessions of Sam Hughes," Beaver 83, no. 5 (2003): 2.
CDNMilitary.CA, "The Canadian World War One Mobilization: A Complicated Matter," http://www.cdnmilitary.ca/index.php?p=20.
Library and Archives Canada, "Canada and the First World War: We Were There / Sir Sam Hughes," Retrieved March 16, 2009, at http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/firstworldwar/e-html.
First World War. "Who's Who: Sam Hughes," (2002). Retrieved March 16, 2009, at http://www.firstworldwar.com/bio/hughes_sam.htm.
Library and Archives Canada, "Canada and the First World War: Letter of Resignation - Sir Sam Hughes - We Were there - Page 4 - November 11, 1916." Retrieved March 16, 2009, at http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/firstworldwar/.021.01-e.html.
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[file_content] => Personal Definition of the word "Hero"
Hero
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a hero is "a person, typically a man, who is admired for their courage or outstanding achievements, the chief male character in a book, play, or film, or (in mythology and folklore) a person of superhuman qualities. According to author John Ayto in his book Dictionary of Word Origins, the word hero was applied in ancient times to men of superhuman ability or courage. The definition and connotations of the label have changed over the centuries. There is no longer a need for super powers to be considered a hero. My personal definition of the word requires that the person who is labeled a hero, not acquire the honor accidentally.
This writer defines the word hero as a person who, through intent, goes beyond consideration for him or herself to further the cause of another, whether this cause is noble or dishonorable, in so much as to place another's welfare before his own. The action does not have to be remarkable, nor the achievement outstanding. Ordinary acts can be heroic and ordinary people can be heroes.
I have included the dishonorable as well as the noble because I believe heroism to be subjective. One man's hero is another man's rogue.
The word hero has a range of meanings. The qualities of a hero were attributed to Gods and demigods, according to Ayto. Greek mythology is replete with the fantastic achievements of heroes such as Jason, Hercules, Odysseus and Perseus. Each overcomes impossible odds to complete the task to which he has set himself. The obstacles are often set by the Gods to help their character prove himself. To be a hero was to be more than the denotative meaning of the word, it was to be a triumphant pawn of the Gods. For a hero to succeed meant that he had to have superhuman attributes. The implied meaning of hero was not extended to the more general sense of a "brave or otherwise admirable man" until the late 16th century, according to Ayto. The connotation of the word hero became much less fantastic when the Gods were removed from the scene.
By the late 17th century, the "hero" became the chief character in a story. The expectation of the hero by the reader was to resolve the storyline. Those characteristics, which made the main character most important, were his extraordinary efforts to achieve success toward his goal. Forrest Gump is a hero. He is born with physical and mental disabilities to overcome. He applies his entire being to becoming more than a cripple. He is selfless in the face of death when he carries his friend in the fields of Viet Nam. He honors his promises and against all odds, raises himself and those around him to a higher plane.
It is interesting to note that Ayto also applies the word's usage to a person who has taken the drug heroin, and who therefore acts in a state of delusion. With this additional connotation, the label hero takes on a radically new meaning. Perhaps superheroes are ordinary men in the grip of drug-enhanced perceptions of their capabilities. If they actually succeed in their quest then they are truly heroes.
If they fail, well, they were never heroes in the first place. They were simply victims of their own delusions.
Author Stephen Gould suggests that a hero is one who triumphs against a personal "waterloo." He elaborates by saying that "detractors can argue forever about the general tenor of your life and works, but they can never erase a great event." While this might be true, I do not consider a one act wonder to be a hero. I would more likely recognize the person as having done an heroic act. Under Gould's definition, an alcoholic who defeats his illness is a hero. Certainly, each bottle represents a personal "waterloo" and victory is defined by the battle.
This writer does not agree with Gould's definition. Is a person who digs himself a hole and then finds a way out really a hero? Is a hero defined by a single event, or must his heroism be defined by the sum of his life. Perhaps there a more kinds of heroes than first meet the eye.
One must understand that the word hero denotes a man of extraordinary qualities who is admired for their courage, and at the same time, allow for the connotation of the word to be much grander. In my definition, the hero must be selfless. He must have qualities that allow him to ignore his basic human frailties such as greed, self-pity, fear, and selfishness in favor of another person or even an animal. He is the person who extends himself beyond expectation to further the cause. Military heroes always capture our imagination. Bin Laden is a true hero in the eyes of his followers. He sacrifices his wealth and life for the cause of Islam. He suffers hardship to free true believers around the world. Robert E. Lee was a hero, not only in how he conducted his battle, but also in how he conducted the peace. His selflessness in defeat allowed for both sides to retreat in honor. He did not become a martyr to safeguard his image. Jesus was and is admired for his radical heresy against the Jewish faith. He proclaimed himself the Messiah. He had superhuman qualities. He could heal the sick, and raise the dead. To many, he was a blasphemer. Yet, he had courage, faith and intent. One may question his heroism, however, because the circumstances of his birth gave him very few choices. His quest was heroic.
Who is a hero using this writer's definition? First, to be labeled a hero, a person must have intent. A firefighter who rushes into a burning building is doing the job he chooses to do.
He is aware of the dangers inherent in his actions. His desire is to perform his duties to the best of his abilities. For him to be a hero, he must intentionally extend his actions into a zone of danger not expected by the parameters of his job. Therefore, the firefighter who responds to a fire, follows all the safety precautions he has been taught, and succeeds at this task without extending himself past the parameters of his job is not a hero. If, during the course of the fire, he learns that there is a person in the building who is beyond reach, but ignores his fear and exceeds the expectations of his job by saving the victim, then he is a hero. He might also find himself the subject of a reprimand for going beyond the parameters of his job and putting himself at risk, when the probability of success was so slim. His commanding officer may not accept the label of hero in light of the risk.
Further, if there is no intent, then there is no hero. The example might be the case of a person, who finds him or herself on the deck of a sinking ship. In a panic, our "hero" chooses to go to the stern, while most of the others choose to go to the bow. In the end, the bow sinks and the stern stays afloat. The people who followed our "hero" are eventually saved, because they listened to our "hero." It is my contention that this person is not a hero, merely lucky. He did not want to die. He did not care if anyone followed him to the stern and he did not display intent in protecting anyone's safety over his own. According to my definition, the fact that he had no intent disqualifies himm from being a hero. It is my belief that the result of an act does not make a person a hero, it is the intent.
The label hero connotes more than just happenstance. Not everyone who rushed into the World Trade Center on September 11 was a hero. Many would have run out again if they had any idea that the building was going to pancake. Yet, in the eyes of the public, their choice of occupation made them all heroes. Hence, the second requirement of my definition; a hero is ultimately a subjective label. One person's hero is another person's opportunist.
E.B.White finds heroism in Will Strunk and his elucidation of the English language. He labels Strunk a hero because he equips the readers to "fight the good fight on behalf of the clear, the brief, the bold: and for the rest of their lives, all sentences they read and write will be measured against Will Strunk's enduring credo." This is a person whose intentions were clear. To E.B. White, he is a hero. One might question whether superhuman powers were needed or whether one might even consider courage involved. However, in the more modern denotation of the word, Strunk was a man of outstanding achievements. This alone qualifies…
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[file_content] => By the second night, a group of men had mutinied and attempted to kill the officers and destroy the raft, and by the third day, "those whom death had spared in the disastrous night […] fell upon the dead bodies with which the raft was covered, and cut off pieces, which some instantly devoured" (Savigny & Correard 192). Ultimately, the survivors were reduced to throwing the wounded overboard, and only after they had been reduced to fifteen men, "almost naked; their bodies and faces disfigured by the scorching beams of the sun," were they finally rescued by the Argus, which had set sail six days earlier to search for the raft and the wreck of the Medusa (Savigny & Correard 203).
Theodore Gericault's the Raft of the Medusa captures the moment on the 17th of July when the Argus first became visible to the survivors, and his choice to reflect upon this moment in particular reveals something about his intentions (Alhadeff 70). The Raft of the Medusa was his first major work, and was exhibited in the Paris Salon in 1819 as part of a massive installation sponsored by Louis XVIII; "his choice was careful and methodical: this was a subject matter he considered suitable for an ambitious painting with which he could win the Prix de Rome" (Deligiori 613). Gericault's desire was undoubtedly to sell the painting either to a private buyer or the government, but "the size of the painting made it impossible to sell to private buyers and its subject matter had no appeal to a conservative royalist government," so it went into storage in his studio (Isham 168). However, this did not mean that his hope that the painting would be "a catalyst for political reform" failed to come true; rather, he simply died before seeing the true fruits of his work, when, just over a decade later, the Bourbon monarchy was once again overthrown (Galenson 103). This is not to suggest that Gericault's painting was the most important factor in the overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy, but rather that it served to cement in the public eye the devastating effects of "the rampant cronyism displayed in organizing this ill-fated expedition" (Isham 168).
While the image itself is clearly stylized, and in fact helped to encourage the development of Romanticism in Europe, Gericault put an enormous amount of research into his work, as he "talked to survivors, studied sick people and corpses in hospitals, and even had a model of the raft made and took it to the coast to study its behavior in the waves" (Isham 168). This research supplemented the written account offered by Savigny and Correard, as well as conversations between Gericault and Correard. The intersection of Romanticized stylization and realistic details is one reason the Raft of the Medusa is so striking, and a close visual analysis of the painting itself will reveal how Gericault used this intersection of styles and themes to criticize the indifference of the Bourbon regime while celebrating the potential for redemption. Upon first glance, the eye is immediately drawn to lower-left corner of the image, where two dead figures lie sprawled. One of the dead men is only visible from the waist up, representing one of those "unhappy wretches, having their lower extremities entangled in the openings between the pieces of the raft," while the other's body is almost entirely visible, naked and splayed (Savigny & Correard 181). The more visible of the two seems to be cradled by an older man, and indeed, various critics have "taken [this] to be a father grieving the death of his son" (Harris 602).
Along with a few other dead bodies flung about the raft, these figures demonstrate the "kind of hell" the survivors endured (Jefferson 84). Visually, the dead young man cradled by the older is a kind of despondent, hopeless pieta, where the body of Christ is replaced with a sickly youth, and the holy cross with a ramshackle raft. Recognizing visual connection between the young corpse and the common visual trope of a dead Jesus also inevitably focuses the viewer's mind on the theme of cannibalism, as the flesh of these dead men offered a kind of saving communion for the survivor's. While cannibalism is not directly represented in the image, the limbs of the various dead bodies appear splayed and disjointed, so that the bodies break down into their constitutive parts and become nothing more than meat and bone piled upon the still-living bodies of the survivors. The survivors, then, are almost suffocated with abundance; at the same time that the bodies of the dead transform into food that might save the living, the living are overwhelmed by the sheer mass of corpses.
As the eye travels along the bodies from left to right, the figures gradually become more active and vital. A few men struggle to reach forwards while dead bodies weigh them down, while the most rightward figures stand or sit on barrels, waving scraps of cloth to signal the distant Argus, which can be seen as a dot on the horizon. The highest figure signaling to the Argus is that of Jean Charles, the only surviving black passenger of the Medusa. The line of bodies is entirely in the foreground, and although it moves away from the viewer such that Charles' body is almost half the size of the corpses, this line is clearly lit and distinct, pointing towards the distant background. The sweep of the eye from left to right follows this line of bodies from the dead corpses in the lower left to the triumphantly waving Charles in the upper right, but there is another group of figures which the viewer does not notice until the eye has passed Charles and moves towards the background. These figures stand next to the mast, shrouded in the shadow cast by the sail, and one points to the distant Argus while looking back at one of his fellows. This figure pointing has variously been interpreted as either Correard or Savigny, but regardless of who it is, this figure is remarkable for being the only one not looking towards the horizon, but rather back to his fellow survivors.
The Raft of the Medusa is painted with a rather muted palate, consisting largely of browns and greens, as the water, raft, and sickly bodies work together to evoke feelings of dampness, decay, and death. While bits of white foam hug the edge of the raft, there is no clear line showing which portions of the raft and completely above water, making the survivors appear to be surging out of the ocean on a stream of corpses and debris. Furthermore, the lighting is highly dramatic, with the pale bodies of the dead contrasting with the slightly deeper color of the living. Thus, the movement and color of the painting contributes to the overall effect produced by the details of the image, all of which serve to centralize the idea of success and salvation at the expense of the discarded dead. However, in order to understand the extent of this theme's connection to the Bourbon monarchy and the political context of its creation, it will be necessary to consider some previous critical receptions and interpretations of the painting, because only by addressing the myriad interpretations of the Raft of the Medusa will its political content become clear.
Complicating Interpretations and the Historicity of Gericault's Raft
Following its original debut in 1819, "predictably art critical response in the French press largely followed political affiliations, [with] the painting provoking either revulsion or admiration according to respective Bourbon or Liberal sympathies," but since then, "as numerous art historical studies testify, Gericault's painting defies a single reading" (Riding 39). Noting this is not to suggest that this essay has given up on interpreting the image "as a political allegory of the French nation" rather than "a cruel parody of heroic [or] a shipwreck cast as Biblical deluge," but is rather an attempt to address the various interpretations the painting has received, and to demonstrate how these various interpretations, for the most part, are not mutually exclusive, but rather work in conjunction to reveal the extent of the undeniably political message (Riding 39). This is an especially important task considering that the painting is often viewed in two different ways; on the one hand, it can be seen as capturing "a time when the ruin of the raft may be said to be complete," but on the other hand, it has been interpreted as "a radically democratic vision" full of hope and possibility (Riding 39, Grigsby 168). In reality, the image is far more nuanced, and argues that any hope for the future must take into account the atrocities of the past, and perhaps even consume and subsume those atrocities in order to overcome them.…
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[topic] => French Colonialism in Western Africa
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[file_content] => Napoleon is one of history's most infamous military commanders. It is interesting to trace the decline and fall of Napoleon and determine whether the loss of his empire was necessary.
Fall of an Empire
Napoleon's empire began to fall in 1812, eight years after he "declared himself emperor and had enjoyed a succession of military victories which extended his control over most of Europe (unknown)." His decline began when "France's coastal blockade of Europe failed to neutralize Britain. The disastrous 1812 invasion of Russia exposed Napoleon's overextension (unknown)."
Napoleon's exile at Elba in 1814 led to his army's 1815 defeat at Waterloo at the hands of Prussian and British troops. By the end of Napoleon's reign, over "400,000 French soldiers and 600,000 foreign troops were killed (unknown)" in military battles.
Necessary Loss
Napoleon's fall was necessary for the expansion of France, and led to the Congress of Vienna. This was "the first modern attempt at the total military domination of Europe and the first modern attempt to construct a new international order in Europe to preserve peace and order (Gash)." Upon Napoleon's defeat,…
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[topic] => Napoleon is one of history's most infamous
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[file_content] => A favorite target for conspiracists today as well as in the past, a group of European intellectuals created the Order of the Illuminati in May 1776, in Bavaria, Germany, under the leadership of Adam Weishaupt (Atkins, 2002). In this regard, Stewart (2002) reports that, "The 'great' conspiracy organized in the last half of the eighteenth century through the efforts of a number of secret societies that were striving for a 'new order' of civilization to be governed by a small group of 'all-powerful rulers.' The most important of these societies, and the one to which all subsequent conspiracies could be traced, is the Illuminati founded in Bavaria on May 1, 1776 by Adam Weishaupt" (p. 424). According to Atkins, it was Weishaupt's fundamental and overriding goal to form a secret organization of elite members of Europe's leading citizens who could then strive to achieve the Enlightenment version of revolutionary social change; the order's original tenets included an opposition to superstition, a rejection of organized Christianity, and an acceptance of free love (Stewart, 2002). When authorities in Bavaria became aware of the organization's existence after lightning killed a courier who was carrying documents from leaders of the Illuminati 1785, they were alarmed at the presence of this secret society in their midst and the order was outlawed in 1786 (Stewart, 2002).
Despite this legal setback, the Illuminati continued to exert some degree of influence on the social order the Jacobins embracing a number of ideas from the Illuminati during the French Revolution (Atkins, 2002). This continuing influence was the source of further official condemnations of the order. For instance, a French cleric historian by the name of Abbe Baruel suggested that the Illuminati were actually the inspiration for the French Revolution in 1797; Baruel regarded the Illuminati as being complicit in an overall assault on Christianity which was began by the Order of Templars in the Middle Ages and continued to modern times by Freemasons (Atkins, 2002). Besides the foregoing, in 1797, a professor of natural philosophy at Edinburgh University named John Robison wrote a book entitled Proofs of a Conspiracy; in this text, the author maintained that the Illuminati had in fact already insinuated themselves within Masonic lodges (Atkins, 2002).
According to Stewart (2002), the main objective of the Illuminati was to replace all existing human institutions in order to create a single, socialist government that would be capable of controlling the entire world. The order was headed by of a small group of secretive and powerful members that have been labeled the "Insiders" in order to avoid any distracting controversy concerning which of the order's leaders were communists or not. As Stewart reports, "Weishaupt set forth the methods and objectives of his Order of the Illuminati that continues to the present day, including ruthless undermining of rulers and governments, destruction of religion, use of professional agitators to foment mob action, massive use of terror to silence opposition, and manufactured smears to destroy opposition" (p. 425). In fact, Stewart goes so far as to suggest that Welch had identified an continuous chain of organizations and events from 1776 to 1966 that were attributable to a single source, which was the Illuminati, and maintains that this group was the theretofore undiscovered association between big government and communism (Stewart, 2002). While most observers would likely not go so far as this assertion, the fact remains that the Illuminati were responsible for some profound changes in the social order that ultimately had an enormous impact on the practice of business. For instance, during the 1840s, the Insiders fueled a number of revolts throughout Europe in an effort to overthrow existing governments because the French Revolution did not succeed in catalyzing the European population into widespread uprisings as yet (Stewart, 2002).
In 1848, conspiracists believe that the Illuminati under the auspices of the Insiders promulgated the organization's original so-called "Declaration of Purposes," which was in fact the more well-known Communist Manifesto; the Declaration of Purposes was published under the umbrella of Communism and was authored by Karl Marx (Stewart, 2002). In fact, modern conspiracists believe that the communist movement was simply another "tool of the total conspiracy" which was in reality the organization's action plan to achieve its nefarious goals of installing a "new world order" with a world government controlled by the Insiders (Stewart, 2002). Having successfully reorganized the Russian sphere, Stewart reports that from 1850 on, the Insiders focused on the United States as the next step in its world domination plans; in order to achieve its goals in North America, though, the Insiders would have to compel President Abraham Lincoln to approve a graduated income tax, which was a founding position of the Communist Manifesto (Stewart, 2002). Furthermore, Stewart emphasizes that, "Under the guise of communists, socialists, and anarchists, Insiders promoted the Illuminati's purposes in the United States, all under the pretense of promoting freedom, equality, and brotherhood" (2002, p. 426).
During the 30-year period from 1890 to 1920, the Illuminati's Insiders are alleged to have organized the populist and progressive movements in an push for a more collectivist government in the United States and through the proposition and enactment of various governmental regulations, a "central banking apparatus" (i.e., the Federal Reserve System), the ability to control of the economy, and social "security" laws including workmen's compensation (Stewart, 2002). Thereafter, and in what was perhaps one of the more influential initiatives attributed to the Illuminati on modern business, was their action in 1913 when they are alleged to have coordinated the requisite amendments to the U.S. Constitution that were required to enact an income tax (Article XVI) and for the direct election of senators (Article XVII), steps that diminished the power of the several states (Stewart, 2002). Indeed, Stewart suggests that the latter initiative represented an enormous move to consolidate powers in the executive department of the federal government. According to this author, "F. R. Duplantier, associate editor of The New American, claimed 'It had taken a civil war and two depressions to condition the American people to lower their guard against this clear threat to their personal liberty and the sovereignty of their states'" (quoted in Stewart at p. 426).
Although it is fairly spurious to suggest that the Illuminati were behind every initiative that took place during the late 19th and throughout the 20th century, it is clear that some authorities believe they were in fact responsible for moving the world towards a one-government arrangement wherein the Insiders would be in control. In this regard, Stewart advises, "The principle and hidden purpose of all these actions by visionary do-gooders and opportunistic politicians was to reduce the responsibilities and rights of individual citizens, while steadily increasing the quantity, reach, and the potential tyranny of governments" (p. 427). From the perspective of like-minded authorities, democracy and communism were less relevant than the fundamental goal behind their creation and sustainment. As Stewart emphasizes, "Notice the ever-present link between expanding government and communism, both created with one goal in mind, a new world order" (Stewart, 2002, p. 427).
Today, members of the Skull & Bones have managed to get the United States and its increasingly reluctant allies inextricably involved in shooting wars in two Middle Eastern nations, with the promise of a third (and maybe a fourth) in the offing while the Cheney-Halliburton insiders continue to profit. In a similar fashion, Stewart suggests that, "The Insiders instigated World War I but gave themselves away when they claimed it was an effort to make the world safe for democracy rather than republics, democracy being a code word for socialism. In 1917, the conspiracy financed and directed Lenin and Trotsky to seize power in Russia" (p. 427). Following the Russian Revolution, Stewart adds that, "The Communist arm of the conspiracy has come to be regarded, however inaccurately, as its whole body. This perception allowed Insiders to benefit from Communist progress, without themselves having carried a Communist card or belonged to the Communist Party and led misguided people and officials to see communism as the sole threat" (Stewart, 2002, p. 427).
Two years later, in 1919, various Illuminati Insiders collaborated with the so-called "internationalists" to compel the United States to join the doomed League of Nations, an international organization that would evolve into the modern United Nations which was part and parcel of their overall plans to install a one-government global enterprise. In this regard, Stewart advises, "When their League of Nations scheme failed because the U.S. Senate balked at this surrender of American sovereignty, Insiders founded the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). The CFR's primary purpose was to trash sovereignty in exchange for global government" (p. 427).
By 1933, the CFR, which represented the primary agency of the Insiders in the United States at the time, helped to arrange the…
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[topic] => Delimitations Today, modern business systems
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[file_content] => "In the Nordic countries multitasked family policy system helps families to reconcile family life and employment" (Forssen, 2000, p.16). The stresses and strains of the Canadian system are; therefore, largely absent from the Nordic system. Canada's system of social welfare, being largely after the fact, does not possess the same prescriptive effect as Scandinavia's program's of paid family leave, paid childcare, income redistribution, and so forth. The Nordic nations seek to prevent the problems arising by altering the fundamental situation of children's upbringing and family life.
Naturally, physical and mental health play major roles in relative rates of poverty. Canada is lucky, at least, to have a system of universal free medical care that ensures that children, as well as adults, receive a wide range of health services regardless of income. The system provides Canada's children with a safety net that is largely absent in the United States, and which compares, in general outline, with the resources available to children residing in the Nordic countries. Still, the Nordic focus on inclusiveness, family leave, and services such as free day care help further to alleviate the stresses of family life. By 1995, roughly half of all children in day care in Scandinavia were to be found in publicly-financed day care services. Under such an arrangement, work becomes separate from home life. Parents do not need to make a choice between making a living, and taking care of their children. The Canadian system still demands a considerable amount of juggling of responsibilities, calling on traditional arrangements between extended family, and budgeting of financial resources. The greater personal freedom that is achieved by the Nordic system can also foster a similar attitude of freedom and openness within the family household. Gone, as well, is the resentment that m9giht arise from being forced to give up school or promotion in order to stay at home to take care of the children. The distinction that might otherwise be drawn between traditionally male and female roles is also not as obvious, the provision of daycare and other services by the state assisting further in the blurring of gender lines and roles.
In Canada; however, certain kinds of families continue to suffer disproportionately. While the overall number of children of single mothers living in poverty has actually decreased slightly in recent years, the depth of poverty has actually increased (Reutter et al., 2006).
Much of this change can likely be attributed, once again, to the differing attitudes of evidenced by the two approaches. The inclusiveness of the Nordic system reveals a "blind" approach; one that does not seek to assign blame by stigmatizing certain lifestyles, or to alleviate child poverty by encouraging particular socially-acceptable family patterns. Rather, the Canadian method continues to adhere to traditional, or perceived traditional, notions of what constitutes a "real" family. Families not perceived as legitimate, or as genuinely desirable, remain the subject of discrimination, government aid programs actively or passively working against just such families. The differences between the Canadian and Nordic systems show clearly the continued influence of deep underlying social philosophy on the formulation of child anti-poverty programs:
Public beliefs about poverty are an important element of social exclusion / inclusion because they reflect the attitudes that may lead to exclusionary/inclusionary behaviours at interpersonal and institutional levels (Bullock, 1999; Lott, 2002). People's understanding of poverty will likely influence their interactions with people living in poverty (Bullock, 1999; Cozzarelli, Wilkinson and Tagler, 2001) and their support for poverty-related policies (Reutter et al., 2006)
Ultimately, the distinction speaks to a profound battle between what constitutes the actual goal of the child anti-poverty campaign. Both Canadians and Scandinavians make choices about the kind of society in which they would like to raise their children. They make decisions in regard to the values they wish to impart to their children. Canada's anti-poverty programs reveal a persistent adherence to traditional, almost Victorian, notions of individual responsibility, ideas that, on some levels, almost criminalize the poor. Under this regime, the poor are seen as lacking in the virtues necessary for achieving success and lifting themselves out of poverty. Poverty is a moral failing. For the people of Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland, on the other hand, poverty is something that can strike any family. The economic environment is often capricious, and even the best made plans can be upset by an economic downturn. Out-of-wedlock pregnancies are not disparaged as moral failings, being treated instead as events that could happen to almost anyone. Even marriage, evidently, is viewed as a matter of personal choice. Women and men are not to be guided into marriage simply because they have become parents; the Nordic system recognizing the additional problems that might arise from such an artificial arrangement.
Conclusion
The Nordic nations and Canada hold different views on what constitutes child poverty. Following closely the United Nations own position as defined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Nordic countries define child poverty in very broad terms. Under these systems child poverty encompasses virtually everything that might be considered to contribute to poverty of resources, as well as poverty of spirit. Economic disadvantage is no more central to this definition than quality of family life, peer relationships, access to educational opportunities, and general access to services. The United Nations employs six measures of child well-being, each of which contributes to the making of a happy, prosperous, and productive adult. The right to such happiness and productivity is deemed universally applicable regardless of family, ethnic, racial, or religious background. The Nordic nations, in particular, do not discriminate on the basis of a child's social background. By granting assistance equally to children in all kinds of families, they work toward the production of adults who enjoy equally the benefits of citizenship and human and civil rights. Childcare and assistance are spread widely and made available at the earliest possible point in time in order to prevent problems before they have a chance to develop.
In contrast, the Canadian definition of child poverty is substantially economic. Using traditional formulas of what constitutes economic disadvantage, the Canadian system attempts to raise the financial standing of those families most in need of additional funds. Nevertheless, these funds are not distributed equally. While frequently blind in theory, the Canadian programs tend to favor particular, socially-accepted kinds of families and environments. Blame - a factor largely absent form the Nordic approach - is, in fact, quite prominent in the Canadian system. Those who can be blamed will be. In a sense then, Canada's social safety net is more like private insurance that true transformative public assistance. If the government can get away with shifting responsibility to the impoverished family or individual, it will. Children who have the misfortune to grow up in families not considered normative are too frequently deemed victims of their parents' decisions, and so consigned to the bottom rungs of the social ladder. Such an approach only perpetuates the cycle of disadvantage and despair. While there is much that is good on a fundamental economic level about the Canadian approach to the alleviation of child poverty, the Canadian system can learn much from the Nordic system when it comes to understanding the root causes of child poverty. Ultimately, the two systems differ because of profound differences in social values.
References
http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5002267862
Barlow, M., & Clarke, T. (1996, July 15). Canada - the Broken Promise: In the Interests of a Greater Globalism, the Downsizing of a Nation's Heart. The Nation, 263, 23+.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=101378990
Covell, K., & Howe, R.B. (2001). The Challenge of Children's Rights for Canada. Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=37437987
Crane, J.A. (1994). Directions for Social Welfare in Canada: The Public's View. Vancouver, B.C.: University of British Columbia Press.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=110233218
Esping-Andersen, G. (Ed.). (2002). Why We Need a New Welfare State. New York: Oxford University Press.
Forssen, Katja. (June, 2000). Child Poverty in the Nordic Countries. University of Turku, Department of Social Policy, Series B:22/2000.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=109335286
Hatland, a. (2001). 6 Changing Family Patterns: a Challenge to Social Security. In Nordic Welfare States in the European Context, Kautto, M., Fritzell, J., Havinden, B., Kvist, J., & Uusitalo, H. (Eds.) (pp. 116-136). London: Routledge.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001258602
Olsen, G.M. (1999). Half Empty or Half Full? The Swedish Welfare State in Transition. The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 36(2), 241+.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5015434945
Reutter, L.I., Veenstra, G., Stewart, M.J., Raphael, D., Love, R., Makwarimba, E., et al. (2006). Public Attributions for Poverty in Canada. The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 43(1), 1+.
UNICEF. (2007). Child Poverty in Perspective: An Overview of Child Well-Being in Rich Countries, Innocenti Report Card 7. United Nations Children's Fund.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5009503034
White, L.A. (2004). Trends in Child Care/early Childhood Education/early Childhood Development Policy in Canada and the United States. American Review of Canadian Studies, 34(4), 665+.
A www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5002027838
Wolfe, J.M. (2003). A National Urban Policy for Canada? Prospects and Challenges. Canadian Journal of Urban Research, 12(1),…
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[file_content] => Stendhal's The Charterhouse Of Parma:
The misreading and misleading of innocence in a corrupt world
My Relation to the Text
The French author Henri Marie Beyle, usually known throughout his fictional writings as Stendhal, is often called one of the founding fathers of the novel. The Charterhouse of Parma is widely considered to be this French author's masterpiece. Although Stendhal is more famous for his tale of the rise and fall of the adolescent Julian Sorrel, in his earlier novel called The Red and the Black, many critics consider the novel The Charterhouse of Parma to be his most sweeping and compelling work, a tale of military prowess and court intrigue in Napoleonic France.
The first story 'arc' of The Charterhouse of Parma chronicles the exploits of Fabrizio del Dongo, a young aristocrat so determined to fight and so entranced by the example of Napoleon, he hardly cares what side he fights on during the battles that ended Napoleon's first career as a general. Like many young people, Fabrizio is looking for a direction in his life, a philosophy to shape and guide him, something to live for. If he were born in America during the 1960's, Fabrizio would no doubt be protesting the Vietnam war -- but as he is an ardent young aristocrat of 19th century France, he joins Napoleon's army just before the Battle of Waterloo.
He does so do much to advance his own personal or familiar interests or even out of intellectual conviction, but more because of the emotional attraction of the Napoleonic cause, because Napoleon seems so noble to him, in his starry adolescent eyes, as a leader of men. Before he actually sees combat, war seems like a very attractive thing to this young man. His experiences provide a powerful reminder of how, though Napoleon is often the subject of parody today as a small, hyperbolic Frenchman, and other leaders have overtaken Napoleon's persona in terms of cultural meaning and relevance, historically, in terms of charisma, in his day Napoleon was a political celebrity as well as an historical actor and military leader.
However, the young Italian nobleman Fabrizio is wholly unlike his hero Napoleon (and unlike Stendhal's earlier, conniving hero Julian Sorrel for that matter.) Napoleon was a man who controlled his fate; rising from obscurity to greatness through is military prowess and talent as a leader. Fabrizio is 'to the manor born' but is largely controlled and buffeted by fate and by the will and political machinations of others. As actors, the book's most willful and dominant characters are Fabrizio's aunt, the Duchess of Sanseverina, and her lover Count Mosca. They try to further Fabrizio's political career at in the court of Parma merely so they can control him.
At times, Fabrizio's innocence and lack of guile can frustrate the modern reader, causing him or her to identify more with the more knowing and conniving characters of the text. Yet to his credit, Stendhal as an author never renders Fabrizio's early romanticism and youthful vigor and enthusiasm with a sentimental gloss. Fabrizio is gullible and without internal and intellectual defenses against those who would use him and his high birth for political purposes, but he is not morally superior to those around him, for his ability to be used as a pawn, nor for his strong romantic feelings for the beautiful Clelia, later in the book. If anything, Fabrizio's career in court indicates to the reader that it is possible to be good and used for ill purposes, a fact that is early on illustrated in the text during Fabrizio's military career, where he throws himself into the fray of bloodshed because of his idealism and the false images of war that his culture and family have inculcated him in.
Section II
Interpretation of select quotations from the text
Stendhal has often been called a master of realism, long before realism was an integral part of the novelistic tradition and literary fashion. Some of the most compelling passages, visually speaking, come early on in the novel, when the naive, young and foolish Julian enters into military service with an idealistic view of what soldiering entails.
A bullet, entering on one side of the nose, had come out by the opposite temple, and disfigured the corpse in a hideous fashion, leaving it with one eye still open. "Get off your horse then, lad, said the cantiniere, "and give him a shake of the hand, and see if he'll return it."
Without hesitating, although almost ready to give up the ghost from disgust, Fabrizio flung himself off his horse and taking the hand of the corpse gave it a vigorous shake. Then he stood still as though no life was left in him. He did not feel he had the strength to mount his horse again. What most particularly horrified him was that still open eye. The vivandiere will think me a coward,' he said to himself bitterly
You shall fight tomorrow my boy," she said at length
On the contrary I want to start fighting at once," said our hero in a somber tone that seemed to the vivandiere to auger well. (Stendhal, The Charterhouse of Parma, 55)
The brutality of the war is vividly conveyed to the reader in this passage. The physical horror of war upon the human body is dramatically depicted in the horror of the physical violence upon this anonymous human, dead body. The body is ravaged with a bullet to the brain, the organ that makes a human being most human. Yet the corpse still stares at the young man, as it were still alive.
Fabrizio ironically referred to as 'the hero' of the tale in the passage, although his behavior is anything but heroic. Of course, Fabrizio believes his behavior is, or at least, that it is more heroic to react to a corpse without horror or pity, because it is the dead body of 'the enemy' in war. Although Fabrizio is physically sickened and weakened by the sight of this wartime horror, he does not allow himself to feel compassion towards the dead man. Fabrizio's main concern is wholly selfish, to look like a brave solder in front of the cantiniere and the vivandiere.
The lack of humanity within the cantiniere as a man, despite the aristocratic Fabrizio's idealization of this coarse individual, is evidenced by his insistence that the young aspiring shoulder shake the hand of the mutilated body. When Fabrizio does, the female camp follower considers this praiseworthy, rather than bad. Of course, this woman is not all bad, because her profession comes out of necessity, unlike the soldiering of the cantiniere, rather than choice -- she does help Fabrizio survive in a kind manner, but the calcification of war upon the human spirit for Stendhal is still evident in the mannerisms of both individuals.
The lack of morals in war is not relegated solely to the battlefield for the author. Rather it is paralleled, if not intensified in the court of Parma, only slightly more under wraps. Consider the counseling received by Fabrizio, after he is no longer a soldier.
Monsignor Landriani, a man of superior intellect, a scholar of the first rank, has only one weakness: he likes to be loved. Therefore, seem to grow more affectionate as you look at him. And on your third visit, show you love for him outright. This, added to your birth, will make him adore you at once. Show no sigh of surprise if he accompanies you to the head of the stairs, look as if you were accustomed to such manners; he is a man who was born on his knees before the nobility. For the rest be simple, behave like the apostles -- no cleverness, no brilliance, no quick repartee. If you don't startle him in any way, he will find your company pleasant. Bear in mind that it must be of his own accord that he makes you his Vicar-General. (145)
One can see by this advice that the manners of how to behave at court are just as formalized as how to behave in the field of battle and to survive as a solider, and the schooling of Fabrizio, the guileless, faceless and almost characterless innocent becomes a kind of revealing 'test' for the reader as to the character of the individual and their environment, when they talk to him. The guile and cunning in this advice is, in its own way, just as brutal as the advice given to the young man when he functioned as a solder.
Thus, it is clear from such manuals of how to live that Fabrizio must always dissemble, even dissemble a kind of persona that is ironically close to his true self, that of a wide eyed innocent with no cleverness. Even towards the end of the novel, truth and goodness, as well as dissembling is misread
From that moment the immense favor that Fabrizio had enjoyed in the Archbishop's Palace was at…
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[file_content] => Charterhouse of Parma Hero, Fabrizio Del Dongo
It is exceedingly difficult to label Fabrizio de Dongo, the protagonist of Stendhal's The Charterhouse of Parma, a hero in the conventional sense. Heroes conventionally are imbued with heroic qualities including great courage, physical prowess, a discerning intellect, and other superlatives that make them better than most men (who are not heroes). There are many characteristics of Fabrizio that make him more of an anti-hero -- he is excessively idyllic and is plague by misfortune (which the author satirizes in a comical way). However, there is a similarity with conventional heroes that Fabrizio unequivocally shares: he is a starkly shining idealist and, whether or not he can actually fulfill them, he is motivated by some of the purest and most heroic motives.
One of the aspects of Stendhal's novel which helps to prove the veracity of the previous thesis is the fact that Fabrizio is born an aristocrat into a wealthy family. In conventional Aristotelian tragedies, for example, it is necessary for the tragic hero to come from noble beginnings and an impressive lineage. Fabrizio meets this requirement. However, even in the opulence of his familial upbringing, his idealist nature is revealed, which the following quotation demonstrates. "Life in this castle, inhabited by thirty or forty servants, was gloomy indeed; hence Fabrizio spent all his days hunting or rowing on the lake. Soon he was closely attached to the coachmen and the grooms" (Stendhal). This passage shows Stendhal's unhappiness with the trappings of material wealth. Moreover, he is more closely attuned to the servants who support such aristocracy with their backbreaking labor. Stendhal's novel is nothing if not politically charged, and satirizes the folly of aristocracy and the wealthy class. By aligning his protagonist with the liberal poor, the author renders him an ideological idealist, or, a hero.
Another facet of Fabrizio's character that makes him a hero is that he is willing to act on his idealistic impulses of justice and equality for the poor. Granted, he is not so proficient as a hero that he can actually achieve the ends of his actions, a fact which Stendhal refers to many times from the former's botched kidnapping attempt…
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[file_content] => This is because the ideas of self-determination would help inspire large numbers of people who shared a common identity and values. Yet, because they were being oppressed for whatever reasons these common ideas would fuel thoughts of self-determination. This is significant because this was the intention of all corresponding revolutions. However, this would morph into something more twisted. In many ways this would help fuel the rise of nationalism throughout Europe, as these ideas of self-determination were spread by Napoleon. At which point, his policies and unpopularity would support the rise of German nationalism. This is important because this would rival French nationalism and would result in a number of different wars (the most notable being World War II). While simultaneously, Russian nationalism would quickly rise from the ideas of communism. Where, the Soviet Union would be an ally of Germany and the West. This was because both Germany and the Soviet Union were acting in their own self-interest. Once these interests began to clash is when, the two forms of nationalism would conflict during World War II. At which point, the Soviet Union would quickly fill the void left behind by German nationalism, resulting in a Cold War. The Cold War would see the ideas of Soviet nationalism compete with the ideas of self-determination from the American Revolution. What this shows is how the American Revolution was critical in helping to plant the seeds of nationalism for future generations. Over the course of time, these ideas of the revolution would become twisted. This would have a ripple effect throughout the course of historical events to this very day, as these different ideas are continuing to gain prominence.
Clearly, nationalism continues to play an important role in shaping the various events that occur. This is because it has it roots to the ideas of self-determination. As these ideas are twisted around, meant that other forms of nationalism have become competing ideologies. At which point, this would lead to other forms of nationalism and wars. This is significant because it underscores the overall scope of the problem. Where, a simple idea of self-determination has become something unrecognizable. This is the effect that nationalism is having on the world, where different leaders will use this as an effective way to achieve and maintain power.
Bibliography
A Short Overview of Russian History. 2008. Study Russian. http://www.studyrussian.com/history/history.html (accessed April 201, 2010).
Marquis de Lafayette. 2003. The American Revolution. http://americanrevwar.homestead.com/files/lafayett.htm (accessed April 20, 2010).
Nationalism. 2010. Answers.com. http://www.answers.com/topic/nationalism (accessed April 20, 2010).
The Impact of the French Revolution. 2004. Cambridge. http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521579117&ss=exc (accessed April 20, 2010).
Burbeck, James. 2003. The French Revolt and Empire. The War Times Journal. http://www.wtj.com/articles/napsum1 / (accessed April 20, 2010).
Greenfield, Liah. 1992. Nationalism Five Roads to Modernity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Thompson, Robert. 2003. Complete Idiots Guide to Nazi Germany. Indianapolis: Alpha.
Nationalism. 2010. Answers.com. http://www.answers.com/topic/nationalism (accessed April 20, 2010).
Greenfield, Liah. 1992. Nationalism Five Roads to Modernity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Marquis de Lafayette. 2003. The American Revolution. http://americanrevwar.homestead.com/files/lafayett.htm (accessed April 20, 2010).
The Impact of the French Revolution. 2004. Cambridge. http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521579117&ss=exc (accessed April 20, 2010).
Burbeck, James. 2003. The French Revolt and Empire. The War Times Journal. http://www.wtj.com/articles/napsum1 / (accessed April 20, 2010).
Thompson, Robert. 2003. Complete Idiots Guide to Nazi Germany. Indianapolis: Alpha.
A Short Overview of Russian History. 2008. Study Russian. http://www.studyrussian.com/history/history.html (accessed April 201, 2010).
A Short Overview of Russian History. 2008. Study Russian. http://www.studyrussian.com/history/history.html (accessed April 201, 2010).
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[file_content] => Poetic Comparison:
"Hawk Roosting" by Ted Hughes and "Grass" by Carl Sandburg
Both "Hawk Roosting" by Ted Hughes and "Grass" by Carl Sandburg are narrated in the voices of silent, living objects in the natural world. Hughes' poem is told in the first person of a hawk while Sandburg's poem is narrated by the grass. Through personification both poets examine the place of humanity in a larger context, highlighting the extent to which what people think is important seems small when seen in relation to the big picture of nature. Hughes' poem achieves this by showing how in the eyes of an ordinary hawk, the bird is all-powerful because of his predatory capacity. The grass of Sandburg's poem is similarly powerful as it blankets the dead, without any apparent concern for the heroism the soldiers might have shown in battle or in any other facet of their lives.
The hawk's triumphant view of himself is expressed in his pride of his talons and beak: he is convinced that he is the pinnacle of all creation and the creator himself took great pains to make him:
My feet are locked upon the rough bark.
It took the whole of Creation
To produce my foot, my each feather:
Now I hold Creation in my foot.
The hawk's ability to fly and to clutch his prey is viewed as evidence, in the animal's own mind, of his superiority and also his own godlike power of life and death. Although this might seem arrogant, it has obvious parallels with how humans regard themselves. Humans, according to the Judeo-Christian tradition, see themselves as created in God's image. Hughes suggests that the hawk sees himself in a similar fashion and like human beings the hawk believes that the source of his creation justifies his ability to dominate and kill other creatures. "I kill where I please because it is all mine," says the hawk. "My manners are tearing off heads." The hawk kills without apology, as if it is his birthright. While it may be his instinct, even a necessity to survive, Hughes' choice of language suggests that the hawk misinterprets his gift. He views all of creation as his own because of his ability to kill other, small creatures. This is another parallel with the hawk and humanity. The poem ends:
The sun is behind me.
Nothing has changed since I began.
My eye has permitted no change.
I am going to keep things like this.
The hawk clearly (yet mistakenly) believes that it is by sheer force of will that he is the most important creature in the universe; he believes he rules all and he can dictate that there will be no change, despite the fact that like…
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It was created in 1949.
It was first showcased in 1936 (Berlin).
Cannot find any record of this person…is this the most common spelling of the
(1936, Berlin)
It was standardized in 1958.
It was first created in 1958.
There are 5 sections.
This information is not readily available through any sources I've researched.
They were revised in 1990.
Unable to find this information.
It was Richard Nixon.
They were a Wushu (Martial Arts) Company
It was in 495 A.D.
Damo is the Chinese name of Bodhidharma, credited for bringing Ch'an to China.
It was released in 1982.
It was in 2005, in Beijing.
It was in 1974.
Anthony Chen is a silver medalist at the 4th World Traditional Wushu Championship.
Bai Yu-Feng, from his monk name Qiu Yue Chan Shi is a martial art expert who trained at the Shaolin Temple. He is the author of the book Essence of Five Fist and expanded the 18 Buddha hands techniques to 173 techniques.
B. 1103, D. 1142. A military general during the Southern Song Dynasty.
21. Chinese-born professor of electrical and computer engineering at the University of Waterloo (Canada).
22. Director of Taiwan-based television show "Big Brother Variety."
23. Actress born in 1967 who has made 6 films between 1987 and 2010, including A Sigh and The Dream Factory
24. Assuming this means The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, there are a number of games that cover this novel, most notably Romance of the Three Kingdoms
25. He is the author of The Art of War.
26. Internal attempt to rid China of outside influences; came to a head in 1900 when an international force subdued…
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In this encouragement, American would help to touch off something
perhaps all the more miraculous given the proximity to its oppression to
the European peasantry at large. First in the doctrines which would be
formulated in the wake of French independence and secondly in the way that
Napoleon Bonaparte would begin the spread of such doctrines to a continent
driven by inequality, America's revolution could be said to have been the
opening round in the deconstruction of colonialism and feudalism throughout
Europe and thus, the world.
Drafted in the image of the American Declaration of Independence,
though perhaps more ambitious and sweeping even in its trajectories, the
Declaration of the Rights of Men would dictate a universal principle
arguing that all men are born equal and that any distinctions made between
men according to the social conditions must be terms agreed upon by all
parties. The constitutional document underscoring the spread of liberal
ideology throughout Europe, it would be taken up by Bonaparte in an active
dispensation of the philosophy in a context where such was sorely needed as
a foundation upon which to build rapid change.
In order for us to examine how successfully somebody such as Napoleon
Bonaparte was able to achieve French national objectives, this is to
indicate, we must first understand the nature of French objectives at this
moment in history. This is a distinctly difficult moment in French history
to characterize according to unified objectives. The revolutionary period
which gave prelude to Napoleon's rise must, in fact, be understood in terms
of the general disarray which consumed France in the political, social and
economic contexts. 1789 is generally seen as the touchstone of the
revolutionary era, with its chronological proximity to the recent American
war for independence and its attendant constitutional doctrine playing a
large part in inspiring this response to general discontent. The rigid
class system which divided France into three distinctly unequal segments of
nobility, clergy and peasantry-within which there were yet innumerable
philosophical perspectives on how best to treat a France that was
increasingly populated, gradually urbanizing and grossly inefficient as
demonstrated by the poor economic conditions of so many-had doomed old
France to inevitable decline. In fact, at this juncture, "when the King
called for an Estates-General in 1789, the social tensions plaguing the old
regime emerged as a central issue of the Revolution." (CHNM, 1) It was
apparent that discontent with feudalism, catapulted by the revelations of
the Enlightenment regarding natural rights, had reached a breaking point in
France that would spill over into a decade of absolutely reckless, inchoate
factionalism. Groups spanning the spectrum from Royalist to radical
leftist (typically in the Jacobin party which would include Napoleon) would
vie for authority, with idealism and political agenda playing equal parts
in motivating individuals to align one way or another. And with the events
in the United States proving ultimately permanent in dispatching of the
unwanted imposition of democracy, there was now evidence for the first time
since the decline of ancient Rome that a democratically governed republic
could be conceived and formulated.
Such is to assert that French objectives in this time are somewhat
unclear except to say with great certainty that change was desired and that
circumstances and influences had rendered change inevitable. Given the
carnage of the French Revolution, of which the guillotine is the most
notoriously lasting symbol, it would become greatly obscured that in fact
the primary objective of the French Revolution was modeled like America's
to achieve a greater plurality of representation and a dismantling of the
monarchy-driven feudalist system in France and throughout Europe. Where
the monarchies of the European states claimed various familial connections,
as well as clear connections interest, the revolutionary groups in France
would claim a connection amongst the unnumbered common people of Europe.
Specifically, where destitution surely was a common presence throughout
peasantry, it was not the only disposition to be found amongst those
excluded from political leadership and cultural ascendance. Those who were
educated, skilled and even moneyed would find it impossible to slip the
detainment of hereditary ranking under the system theretofore reigning,
providing a close enough identification of common grievances for all the
excluded classes of Europe. The revolutionaries of France found themselves
at the center of what the European monarchy would rightly view as a threat
to the overarching world order.
This is backdrop into which Napoleon Bonaparte would step. Amidst a
ten year reign of disorder and pandemonium, his efforts would represent one
of the few consistent assurances. The opposition of foreign royals to the
emergence of the revolutionaries to power would take the form of an ongoing
military confrontation, in which the revolutionary army of France would
face off against the royal armies of Prussia and Austria to the constant
and impressive victory of the General, Napoleon. So much was this the case
that he alone would rise from the tumult of the decade to declare himself
de facto leader of all of France. In his own characterization of this
accomplishment, he would claim that "I closed the gulf of anarchy and
brought order out of chaos. I rewarded merit regardless of birth or wealth,
wherever I found it. I abolished feudalism and restored equality to all
regardless of religion and before the law. I fought the decrepit monarchies
of the Old Regime because the alternative was the destruction of all this.
I purified the Revolution." (Chew, 1) If we may take anything as a mission
statement or a proclamation of intent for Napoleon's ongoing militancy
hereafter, this may serve as one with an inbuilt claim to justification.
All ethical consideration completely aside, it would certainly be difficult
to determine whether the indiscriminate bloodshed of the revolutionary
period would be worse than the massive but state-sponsored bloodshed of the
Napoleonic Wars. Less difficult to approximate however is the claim
implied here by Napoleon, that it would be his effort that would make the
aims of the revolution feasible. In the climate of terror and mob rule
which precipitated Napoleon's lone ascent to authority, the elimination of
feudalism was anything but certain. Only the elimination of order had
there succeeded. (CHNM, 1)
Therefore, we must first recognize that the wars which Napoleon
engaged on the behalf of the revolutionary would be the first to endorse an
as yet unachieved sense of constitutional order based upon the populist
vision for entitlement to mobility and property ownership. Most evident of
his accomplishments would be the expansion of French borders and the
vanquishing of historic enemies of the French popular movement during this
time, but no less than an equal accomplishment would be his centrality in
therefore endorsing state-sponsorship of a system contrary to the
restrictions of feudalism. A reflection on Napoleon's role as a party to
the revolution and his ultimate exploitation of this role to step up to a
seat of uncontested rule illustrates his importance in galvanizing this
popular movement with meaningful military leadership. Amidst the chaos and
indiscriminate bloodshed which would dominate the ten years from 1789 and
1799, Napoleon would ascend to the rank of general, a position which had
long demanded-which it would not achieve until its desertion of the Royal
party-a suitable and effective strategist. To that juncture, and under the
typically critically lambasted family Bourbon Kings, in whose line Louis
XVI ruled, France remained the inferior of all its closest continental
competitors. As Wiegely's text observes, "the French Army of the mid-
eighteen century could not match the skills of the Prussians or the
British, and probably fell short of the battlefield toughness and
resilience of the Russians and Austrians as well." (Weigley, 256) This
would, as we have discussed, prefigure the success of revolutionary forces
in bringing about the dismantling of the monarchical military, with
America's template for success helping to elucidate this military
vulnerability. It also reveals here a very clear distinction between the
imperial rule which preceded Bonaparte and his own brand. Namely, the
military force previously constituting France's armed corps would be
demonstrably weaker than those of its neighbors at a juncture when the
retraction of colonial expansion was driving an interest in consolidation
by European powers. This is to note that its military disinclination,
comparably speaking, during the declining reign of Louis XVI would place it
at a point of susceptibility during a time when such could segue easily
into the outright loss of sovereignty to foreign dominance. The vocal
objection to the allowance of this vulnerability would be a political
identifier for the position held by revolutionaries, though as a cause for
subversive revolutionary action it would naturally pale in comparison to
such motives as devastating poverty and an absence of political
opportunity. In addition to the chaos this would allow within the French
cities where fervor was at its highest pitch, this military meagerness
would present France as ripe for the picking by many of its neighbors.
Thus, Napoleon would be faced with a conflict of interest in the
formulation…
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[file_content] => The asylum automatically granted under the Swiss constitution was denied for those seeking it for religious reasons. By 1942, only 9,150 foreign Jews were legally resident in Switzerland, an increase of just 980 since 1931. It was the Swiss government that requested the German government to help it identify Jews by stamping all Jewish passports with a prominent letter "J," following the Nuremberg acts in 1935. "By 1942, acting at the behest of Switzerland's establishment and the majority of its people, its authoritarian police apparatus was dedicated to keeping the country 'pure' and to saving it from being 'overrun with Jews'." Until 1942, the working Jewish community in Switzerland was forced by the government to support Jewish refugees.
The other side of the German interest in Switzerland's banks was related to the business of Germany and the looting of conquered countries. By 1941, Germany had exhausted all of its foreign exchange and central bank gold bullion. In June 1941, Germany stopped the transit of Swiss goods through its territories for three weeks. This halted the supplies of coal, iron and steel to Switzerland needed to produce the weapons they were supplying both sides. On July 1, 1941, the Swiss reached an agreement with the German government in the form of the Swiss-German Clearing Agreement. This pact provided massive loans to Germany, disguised as credits, to pay Swiss manufacturers for weapons to fight the war, and was supposed to be balanced at the end of the year. For bankers, the Swiss were surprising lenient with these credits, allowing them to accumulate to 850 million in Swiss Francs by 1942. This relationship allowed the Swiss to the supply the Nazis with much needed war material, without the risk of allied bombing.
In recent years, the looting of Europeans by the Nazis during World War II, particularly Jews, has received much attention. As a result of the financial crisis in Germany in the early 1940's, a massive operation was undertaken to transform looted gold from jewelry and other sources into gold bullion. Swiss banks were the only banks in Europe that would accept this obviously stolen gold. According to recent reports, the Swiss National Bank in Bern knowingly took in about $400 million ($3.9 billion in today's funds) in looted gold between 1939 and 1945, in violation of international law, which prohibits banks from fencing stolen goods. The commissions on these transactions alone netted the Swiss $20 million (about $200 million in today's currency).
The accusations against the Swiss bankers during World War II can be summed up as follows:
Swiss banks accepted both money and gold deposits from refugees from Nazi Germany before and during the war and subsequently placed obstacles in the path of descendants of those killed in the Holocaust wishing to claim such deposits.
The Swiss National Bank accepted gold bars from the Reichsbank, some smelted down from gold stolen from other central banks and some no doubt extracted from Jewish victims in Nazi extermination camps.
Neutral central banks, such as those from Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Turkey and Argentina all accepted Nazi gold, in one form or another, some of it looted, either during or immediately after the war.
The Swiss National Bank, as well as the Bank for International Settlements, based in Switzerland, openly carried out gold transactions between neutral central banks and the Reichsbank during the war, thus facilitating the Nazi war effort.
There can be little doubt that the Swiss enthusiasm for the Nazis' ideas of a new world order allowed them to rationalize their partnership with the Reichsbank. The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) in Basle, in effect the central banks' bank, eagerly accepted Nazi gold looted from European victims during the war, thus facilitating the Nazi's war effort.
Toward the end of the war, the U.S. initiated Operation Safehaven, a joint U.S. State and Treasury effort adopted at Bretton Woods in 1944, to track looted assets into the banks of neutral countries, focusing primarily on Switzerland. It was initiated as a part of Allied military policy. At the end of the war, the Four Powers formally ordered the neutral countries to transfer all property owned by the Axis powers to the Allies. The U.S. Treasury Secretary recommended the liquidation of BIS, but they were fortunate to escape, doing so by making a $4.2 million payment to the Tripartite Gold Commission for distribution to the deprived central banks.
After the war, the Swiss continued to protest their innocence, claiming they had no looted Nazi gold. After several years of discussions, the Swiss National Bank did agree to turn over $58 million to the allies, which was substantially less than the estimated amount of looted gold accumulated by the Bank.
There was also the question of deposits made by Jews in Swiss banks before and during the hostilities. For several decades, individual survivors petitioned and requested information about these accounts with little to no success. In 1974, the Swiss announced that they found 4.68 million Swiss Francs in dormant accounts. This money was divided between two Swiss relief agencies and the Polish and Hungarian governments. In 1996 U.S. Senator Alfonse D'Amato (R-NY) brought this issue to the attention of the U.S. government and hearings were held in the Senate. On February 6, 1997, three Swiss banks, following intense pressure form the U.S., announced they would create a humanitarian fund of 100 million Swiss Francs ($70 million U.S. Dollars). Jewish organizations were critical, however, estimating that there could be billions unaccounted-for. Later that year, the Swiss government created a humanitarian fund of five billion dollars.
Swiss banks still remain a safe haven for those seeking to hide funds, but the Swiss government has made an effort to restore their image after years of disclosures of funds hidden for rogue governments and third world dictators. Its anti-money-laundering laws are among the toughest in the world. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, they have cooperated with the U.S. government in tracking down funds used by terrorists. In spite of these changes, however they have resisted efforts by other governments to provide information on foreign residents seeking to evade taxes. Switzerland is likely to remain a safe haven for those who wish to hide assts from the eyes of the world.
Bibliography
Bazyler, Michael J. Holocaust Justice: The Battle for Restitution in America's Courts. New York: New York University Press, 2003.
Borowiec, Andrew. "World's leaders gather in Geneva." The Washington Times. http://washingtontimes.com/world/20-5793r.htm.
Bower, Tom. Nazi Gold. New York: Harper Collins, 1997.
Clarke, William. "Nazi Gold: The Role of the Central Banks - Where Does the Blame Lie?" Central Banking, Volume VIII Number 1. Summer 1997. April 22, 2005. http://www.bigeye.com/nazigold.htm.
Gumbel, Peter. "Silence Is Golden: The Swiss banking industry is trying to improve its image. But it still wants to keep mum about accounts held by European Union residents." Time Europe Magazine. Sept. 11, 2002. April 20, 2005. http://www.time.com/time/europe/magazine/article/0,13005,901,00.html.
Junz, Helen B. "Confronting Holocaust History: The Bergier Commission's Research on Switzerland's Past. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. May 1, 2003. April 20, 2005. http://www.jcpa.org/phas/phas-8.htm.
Lebor, Adam. Hitler's Secret Bankers: The Myth of Swiss Neutrality During the Holocaust. Secaucus, NJ: Carol Publishing Group, 1997.
Schoppig, Fernand. The Valuable Role Swiss Banks Can Play in Offshore Planning. Journal of Financial Planning. 1987. April 22, 2005. http://www.fpanet.org/journal/articles/1987_Issues/jfpsp87-art5.cfm.
Swiss Bankers Association. April 20, 2005. http://www.swissbanking.org/en/home.htm.
Vincent, Isabel. Hitler's Silent Partners. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1997.
Who were the Huguenots?" Huguenot Society of North America. April 21, 2005. http://www.geocities.com/hugenoteblad/hist-hug.htm.
Wiener, Jon. "Saving History From the Shredder." The Nation. September 6, 1999. April 20, 2005. http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=19990906&s=wiener.
World Free Internet. April 20, 2005. http://www.worldfreeinternet.net/news/nws39.htm.
Fernand Schoppig. The Valuable Role Swiss Banks Can Play in Offshore Planning. Journal of Financial Planning. 1987. April 22, 2005. http://www.fpanet.org/journal/articles/1987_Issues/jfpsp87-art5.cfm.
Who were the Huguenots?" Huguenot Society of North America. April 21, 2005. http://www.geocities.com/hugenoteblad/hist-hug.htm.
Swiss Bankers Association. April 20, 2005. http://www.swissbanking.org/en/home.htm.
Vincent, Isabel. Hitler's Silent Partners. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1997, pg. 65.
Ibid, pg. 67.
Bower, Tom. Nazi Gold. New York: Harper Collins, 1997, pg. 20.
Ibid, pg. 21.
Ibid, pg. 139.
William Clarke. "Nazi Gold: The Role of the Central Banks - Where Does the Blame Lie?" Central Banking, Volume VIII Number 1.
Summer 1997. April 22,…
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Spain is rich in tradition and culture, but it is important to note that this diversity is the product of centuries of war and conflict. From her early beginnings, Spain has been a rift of conflicting religious and political ideas, and those characteristics are present in every aspect of Spanish life today. Historically, the path from religious persecution to independence has been a journal of religious and political differences. Those political differences have lead to a varied and unique political system, which combines monarchy with a democratic government. Finally, the culture of Spain is an obvious representation of the religious history and conflicting cultures, displayed by the Carnival festivals and the wide variety of cultural traditions, such as bullfighting and the Flamenco. These combinations of cultures combine to effectively form one of the most diverse cultures in the world today.
References
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. (2005). Spain. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2878.htm.
Caruana, J. (2005). Political Structure. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from Economist.com. Web site: http://www.economist.com/countries/Spain/profile.cfm?folder=Profile%2DPolitical%20Structure.
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). (2005). Spain. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from the World Factbook. Web site: http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/sp.html.
Economist Intelligence Unit. (2004). Political Forces. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from Economist.com. Web site: http://www.economist.com/countries/Spain/profile.cfm?folder =Profile%2DPolitical%20Forces.
Internet Red. (2000). History. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from All About Spain. Web site: http://www.red2000.com/spain/primer/hist.html.
Internet Red (a). (2000). Flamenco. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from All About Spain. Web site: http://www.red2000.com/spain/flamenco/index.html.
Internet Red (B). (2000). Corrida de Toros. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from All About Spain. Web site: http://www.red2000.com/spain/toros/index.html.
Internet Red -. (2000). Fiestas and Folklore. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from All About Spain. Web site: http://www.red2000.com/spain/primer/fest.html.
Internet Red (D). (2000). Gastronomy. Retrieved April 19, 2005 from All About Spain. Web site: http://www.red2000.com/spain/madrid/gastro.html.
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[file_content] => As Canada has become less wild, many of these obstacles have been recognized by writers to exist internally, as Atwood says: "no longer obstacles to physical survival but obstacles to what we may call spiritual survival, to life as anything more than a minimally human being."
Grim survival is that sort of survival which overcomes a specific threat which destroys everything else about one, such as a hurricane or plane crash. One supposes that survival in a war setting, or even survival of a serious personal tragedy (such as rape) might also qualify. Of this sort of survival, Atwood writes: "The survivor has no triumph or victory but the fact of his survival; he has little after his ordeal that he did not have before, except gratitude for having escaped with his life."
Cultural survival is also a vital issue. French Canadians struggled to retain their language and religion under the rule of an anglophile government. Today all Canadians are struggling to maintain their independence under the cultural and economic global hegemony of America. Survival can in this sense be either quite positive, as in the maintenance of a valued cultural integrity, or refer to what Atwood calls: "a vestige of a vanished order which has managed to persist after its time is past, like a primitive reptile..." Either way it is a typical response against colonialism.
When dealing with Atwood's writings, and it seems with Canadian writing in general, the issue of colonialism is quite important. Atwood's very existence is a protest against colonialism, because the colonial mindset rebels against the very existence of its colonies developing their own literary traditions. Atwood speaks of the way in which colonial powers and the colonized alike remain "indifferent" to the presence of great Canadian writers. " Atwood found this indifference of Canada to Canadian talent puzzling and disappointing.... she noted a tendency among Canadians to become aggressive nationalists when living [in America]. She explained the behaviour as 'The Great Canadian Lie' because urban Canadians reinvented themselves as Great White Hunters and rugged naturalists." (NiR) the idea of survival and the value of naturalism is seen as a response to colonial pressure, even as the ignorance of a nation's own literature may reflect a blind struggle to survive.
Nature and Meaning in Surfacing.
Surfacing is one of Atwood's early books, in which she begins to formulate her approach to subjects such as nature and survival. In this story, a young woman returns to the wilderness where she grew up with her family in an ultimately vain attempt to find her vanished father. While there she explores her relationship with her more "civilized" urban friends and with society at large, while reliving expanses of her childhood and past. In the isolation of these woods, the four friends who have ventured forth together find their individual relationships all decaying and falling apart.
Meanwhile, the protagonist traces her father's steps, at first thinking him mad and eventually coming to realize that he had quite sanely -if mystically-- somehow discovered a power in the woods and waters which predates the civilization of humankind and offers to give them back the truth of natural life. Under the influence of these spirits, she realizes that she has been lying to herself about her abortion, and slowly reverts to a primal state in which she lives in the woods briefly as a savage thing. In the end, she returns (one assumes) to her own humanity, carrying with her the animal determination to survive without becoming a victim or selling out to the Americanization of her soul.
This story, though it presents a sort of deification of nature, certainly does not treat the wild as Disney might, making it simple and non-aggressive. Nature, in this work, though it is worthy of reverence and represents the best of what is available to humankind on the one hand, is also shown as being capricious and capable of great harm. The narrator casually, if heartbreakingly, admits that "it's not unusual for a man to disappear in the bush... all it takes is a small mistake, going too far from the house in winter, blizzards are sudden, or twisting your leg so you can't walk out, in spring the blackflies would finish you, they crawl inside your clothes, you'd be covered with blood and delirious in a day." (Atwood, Surfacing, 43) Nature, though the ultimate shape of purity in this novel, is also a great threat to those who under-estimate it.
The idea of nature as a threat is evident in Atwood's writing on Survival, where there is an entire chapter called "Nature the Monster." In this chapter, she speaks of the death by nature (as distinguished from a natural death) which Atwood reports seems to kill more humans in Canadian fiction than in modern Canadian reality. This evil manifestation of nature occurs when "something in the natural environment murders the individual, though the author, who is of course the real guilty party, since it is he who has arranged the murder." (Atwood, Survival 54-55) in Surfacing this sort of death by nature is a constant threat. The protagonist suspects that her father may have died thus, and it is frequently recalled how her brother nearly drowned to death.
Yet it is not nature which is the greatest threat to the protagonist, in the end - it is not actually nature that she must fight against to survive, but rather it is humanity itself. She refers to being human as like being German after the war, complicitly guilty of all the crimes of her race against animals, each other, and the earth. The greatest threat to human survival is not the failure to find food, to mate and eat and survive, but the risk that as a species we will make ourselves and our environment extinct. This fear is vocalized through out the novel by different speakers, embodied in the fear that Americans will start a war to steal Canada's money, or in the threat that greedy power companies will raise the lake level and erase the protagonist's home. Even the threat of nuclear annihilation is mentioned, though it does not seem to be such a central focus compared to the threat of cultural and environmental annihilation posed by the Americans.
In the end, even more important that the developing heroine than her mere search for food. She focuses in the end, "above all" on the issue of resisting victimization by other humans. "I have to recant, give up the old belief that I am powerless and because of it nothing I can do will ever hurt anyone... The word games, the winning and losing games are finished; at the moment there are no others but they will have to be invented, withdrawing is no longer possible and the alternative is death." (Atwood, Surfacing, 197)
Humanity is far more of a threat than nature could ever be - not just humanity exterior to the individual, but also the trappings of civilization which have been internalized -- and this threat will continue until the individual returns to the truth of their mammalian state. It is clear through-out Surfacing that the great problem with humanity is that it has divorced itself from nature - that its technology has made it cruel and exploitative, fencing its psyche away from the test of the world.
This forbidding is evidenced in the way in which the protagonist was slowly taught by her ancient gods, in the end, that she must not pass into the garden because it has been separated and alienated from nature by its fence. "The cabins, the fences, the fires and paths were violations: now his own fence excludes him, as logic excludes love." (Atwood, Surfacing, 192) This is the same law that is at play when the gods forbid her to eat out of tins and glass jars, which confine and separate food from the earth.
Even before this, however, one may see the protagonist slowly becoming aware of the way in which human separation from nature is improper. One of the first hints come in her slow rejection of fishing with hooks, "if we dived for them and used our teeth to catch them, fighting on their own grounds, that would be fair, but hooks were substitutes and air wasn't their place." (Atwood, Surfacing, 127) Yet it is not merely that technology, be that technology fences or jars or hooks, is evil. In fact, at one point in the book the gods seem to rejoice in her ritual use of clothing, whereas at another point they ask her to reject clothing - and yet still allow her to keep a blanket. So it is not the existence of technological remnants such as cloth that are a problem, but rather it is that the technology serves to distance the individual from the truth of their physicality, just as the protagonist suggests that the neck separates the intellect from the body.…
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