Ethnological Investigation and Analysis, Is Centered on

¶ … ethnological investigation and analysis, is centered on cultural and religious activity in a contemporary community situation. Essentially, the aim of this research was to observe various cultural and social behavior patterns as they pertain to religion and spirituality in society. Two faiths were observed over a period of time. A Western religious faith such as Catholicism was compared to an Eastern faith such as Buddhism. This topic was chosen for a number of reasons. In the first instance religion is a central facet of all cultures and societies.

The search for a larger and more existential meaning to life is a cultural trait that can be observed in every culture throughout human history. It is therefore a subject that is central to cultural life and which has enormous ramifications in terms of its influence on other dimensions of cultural activity. However, religion per se is a very broad and somewhat vague to observe without any defining parameters. Therefore, the central focus and hypothesis that was explored in the ethnographic fieldwork and in the subsequent analysis was the following.

Taking into account the modern trend towards materialism and the scientific- rational cultural overview of the universe that tends to predominate in the Western world, it follows that Western culture and people have become more secular in their approach to religion and especially to formal religion. In contrast it can be argued that Eastern cultures and religion are to a certain extent more religious and non-secular in their approach to life and reality.

In order to apply this hypothesis to the ethnographic study, the terms secular and non-secular have to be defined more clearly in cultural terms. 1.1. Background and Overview When applying ethnographic research one has to bear in mind some fundamental concepts and definitions. In the first instance, the term ethnography has".. come to be equated with virtually any qualitative research project...

where the intent is to provide a detailed, in-depth description of everyday life and practice" (Hoey) However, in order to be directed and provide research integrity, this study has to take into account certain theoretical stances and trajectories of thought that can interpret and explain the data and information obtained from the actual ethnographic observation and study.

Therefore, a more appropriate definition of ethnography is a "...a qualitative research process or method (one conducts an ethnography) and product (the outcome of this process is an ethnography) whose aim is cultural interpretation" (Hoey). In other words, the ethnographer goes much further than only reporting or describing events and various experiential details, although this is an essential part of ethnographic process. The ethnographer in fact "...attempts to explain how these represent what we might call "webs of meaning" .. The cultural constructions, in which we live" (Hoey).

One must also differentiate between an "emic" and an "etic" perspective in research. An emic perspective in research is often referred to as the "insider's point-of-view"(Hoey). In this process, the interpretation and meaning that is linked to the observation emerges from the observation, rather then being imposed on the data. As one scholar notes; "The emphasis in this representation is thus on allowing critical categories and meanings to emerge from the ethnographic encounter rather than imposing these from existing models"(Hoey).

An etic perspective, by contrast, is the view from the "outside" and is more distant and analytic in its approach. The following is a definition of this approach. The goal of the research is to understand the culture in scientific terms, by comparing the culture to others and seeking to explain the relations between elements of the culture. The concepts and theories used derive from a comparative framework and may be meaningless to members of the culture.

(EMIC AND ETIC PERSPECTIVES) Aspects of both these approaches in the ethnographic were used in the present research, with the emphasis on more of an etic approach. 2. Methodology The methodology used in this ethnographic research was essentially observational and qualitative in nature.

This approach is concerned "…with the understanding of and integration with the larger context and the different variables that interact within a social or psychological context; for example, the emphasis on studying the individual within his to her cultural and social environment" ( Meyers) The researcher spent a considerable amount of time, more than two weeks, attending and observing religious institutions in the community. This was limited to Catholic churches and a Buddhist Temple.

As stated, the method was essentially observational but included conversations and discussions with members of both the Catholic and Buddhist congregations. Furthermore, notes were taken with regard to the demographics of the attendees of these institutions. A focus in this regards was on the age of those who attended the different institutions. Attitudes relating to religion and society were also discussed with the people who attended meetings and discussions and these were recorded.

From a theoretical perspective, theories such as Durkheim's "anomie" were employed to understand the information and data obtained from the observation and interviews. Various views and theories pertaining to the secularization of society as well as thinking about the modern nuclear and extended family were also taken into consideration. 3. Analysis and discussion 3.1. Main Observations In the process of observation the following points were identified. In terms of the observation and recording of demographics, it was found that both institutions showed similar patterns, with some differences.

The most obvious pattern was that there tended to be more middle-aged as well as older people than young people attending the various services and prayer meetings. However, this was not always consistent and at times, especially with regard to the discussion sessions at the Buddhist Temple, there were at least an equal number of young people and teenagers as older people. In terms of ethnicity and race, there tended to be more African-Americans and Asians at the Buddhist services.

From observation and discussion with those who attended the services over a two-week period, it was found that there seemed to be a greater degree of personal involvement and religious enthusiasm among those in the Buddhist Temple when compared to the Catholic Church. This is of course a very subjective assumption that was also dependent on random interviews and talks.

Religious zeal or depth of enthusiasm is extremely difficult to ascertain conclusively, but there was a general perception of more serious and in-depth involvement in those who attended the Buddhist Temple than in the Catholic Church. This perception was also bolstered by the greater number of debates and discussions that were held at the Buddhist Temple, compared to the Catholic Church.

There were also many of the attendees at the Catholic services who stated that they attended religious services not out of personal conviction or sentiment but "…because our family has always comes to this Church each week." What stood out in the discussions and conversations was that there was a high degree of questioning and interrogation of the culture and society in terms of religious morals, the meaning of life and other religious and existential issues and questions.

Some of those interviewed provided some enlightening insights into the link between a religious culture and a secular lifestyle in that culture, which will be explored in the following analysis section.

This refers particularly to the responses received to the question; do you think that religion is a central factor in your everyday life and in society today? While most of church goers said that religion was an important facet of their lives, many also stated quite vigorously that the influence of religious views and especially of formal religion had diminished dramatically in their communities.

There was a very high degree of criticism of society and modern culture in general and even of the Church itself in the responses from the Catholic Church goers. This criticism was somewhat less intense in the Buddhist Temple, although they were also unmistakably critical of the materialism in contemporary culture. Another aspect noted in the Catholic Church observations was the influence of the family and community as a factor in religious service attendance.

Church going was often linked to family ties and seen as an integral part of the family and community structure. 3.2. Interpretation and Discussion One of the central factor's that emerged from this ethnographic research was that there was a great deal of argument and even cultural confusion about the role and function of religion in the society and in the world in general. This debate was particularly active among in the Catholic respondents, who seemed to be more concerned about the reduction of religious feeling in the world.

There was also a great deal of criticism of society and the Catholic Church itself among the respondents. The Buddhist respondents however seemed to be at ease with the situation in the world. This could possibly be ascribed to their religious orthodoxy, which perceives the world as an illusion to be overcome. "… we are simply travelers passing through an illusion or misperception of reality" (The Essence of Buddhism).

From a theoretical point-of-view, the anxiety and debate about the reduction of a religious perspective n the community can be related to another cultural phenomenon -- namely, the rise of secular humanism in Western society and to the related dimension of a theologically orientated worldview. In general, secular humanism refers to a view that places human values and aims as being more important than religious traditions and prerogatives.

From a positive perspective, secular humanism can be described as follows: HUMANISM is a rational philosophy informed by science, inspired by art, and motivated by compassion. Affirming the dignity of each human being, it supports liberty and opportunity consonant with social and planetary responsibility. Free of theism and other supernatural beliefs, humanism thus derives the goals of life from human need and interest rather than from theological or ideological abstractions, and asserts that humanity must take responsibility for its own destiny.

(Humanist profile: John Dewey.1859-1952) Note that the above quotation refers to being freed from forms of "…of theism and other supernatural beliefs" and from ideological and abstract constructs and constraints of religion that do not serve human interests. This runs counter to the religious needs and imperatives that exist in all cultures and in many people in the modern world and, in essence, has created a conflict within the culture between the secular and religious views of reality. This debate and conflict was very evident in this ethnographic investigation.

A secular view of reality and the world can be loosely described as a loss of an overarching religious order and understanding of life, which is replaced by rationality and science.

There was a concern among many of the people who were interviewed and in the discussion groups, in both the Catholic and Buddhist institutions that the modern secular worldview meant that there was no definitive or effective moral and ethical structure and order in society that one would have been found in the more theocentric or religious worldviews of the past. Comments such as the following were recorded.

"People don't care what they do anymore because there is no set of standards and values that are generally accepted "and "the Church has lost its influence in the society and there is no longer any norms and values that bind the society together." This is a concern that was repeated among all the age groups, but was more dominant in the older Church and Temple attendees.

What this seems to suggest from a purely cultural and anthropological perspective is that organized religion acts as a cohesive element in the structure and functioning of the culture and society; and that without this cohesion there is disorder and moral anarchy. In this regard we could refer to the functionalist anthropological theories of Emil Durkheim. Durkheim based his research on the phenomenon of Totemism among the Australian aboriginals. He was also concerned with the relationship between morality, social cohesion and religion.

In this context he "…held the view that the function of religion is group cohesion often performed by collectively attended rituals"( Kunin, 2003, p. 20-21). Durkheim also asserted that these religious group meetings "…provided a special kind of energy, which he called effervescence, that made group members lose their individuality and to feel united with the gods and thus with the group"( Kunin, 2003, p. 20-21). This was another aspect that was noted in the observation of the religious groups, especially with regards to the Buddhist group.

In the context of the secularization of society and the changes in views of cultural cohesion, many of the discussions that were recorded focused on the youth. It was felt by many at these institutions that because religious values were no longer a dominant force in the culture, the youth had no direction or fundamental values anymore.

This was a view that was also reiterated by many of the younger people who attended Church and Temple services and who cited the search for meaning in life as a reason for coming to Church in the first place. However, they also added that they were in the minority and that the majority of their peers were not interested in religion but had a more materialistic outlook on life.

Cultural cohesion and the role of religion as a binding force within the community and the society in contrast to the divisive impact of the secular word was an aspect that was generally noted throughout the period of investigation. However, what was also notable was the fact that some of the respondents, especially in the Catholic Church, were not very concerned by these issues. When asked why they attended church services, a typical response was the following: "I am used to coming each week.

Everyone in my family comes to church." This tends to suggest there was a segment of those who attended the services who came to church out of habit and a sense of routine that was motivated by normative and filial factors. This in turn suggests a cultural dimension when church attendance is seen not in personal terms but rather as an aspect of community and family cohesion and responsibility.

This is an interesting aspect in relation to thinking about the modern family and the role that religious observance plays in the extended family structure as opposed to the more common nuclear family. This could also be related to Durkheim's view of the cohesive nature and function of religion in society as discussed above. The above concerns can also be related to other theoretical constructs that apply to many of the above observations. One of these is Durkheim's theory of social and cultural anomie.

According to Durkheim; Religion is in fact a product of the social structure. His main theory is that there is a distinction between traditional and modern society. Modern societies are based on organic.