Women have not played a significant role in law enforcement until recently, and especially since the 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission legislation. Law enforcement continues to be a male-dominated profession, although women are becoming increasingly visible at multiple levels of the profession. Estimated representation of women in law enforcement ranges from 2 to 15%, depending on the jurisdiction/department, the rank/role, and the year of the survey (Blackstock, 2015, Horne, 2006; Price, 1996). Although women remain underrepresented in law enforcement, attitudes and norms may be changing significantly to encourage more women to achieve positions of power. Interestingly, African-American women comprise thirty percent of all female-held law enforcement positions; in contrast, African-American men comprise fifteen percent of all male-held law enforcement positions. Literature Review

A review of literature shows what barriers women have encountered in law enforcement, from the time of job consideration and recruitment, through job satisfaction and role fulfillment, to the time of career end and retirement. Lonsway (2006) found that more women than men consider quitting a career in law enforcement during training, but men consider quitting their career more often when they are already serving on the force. Furthermore, the problems associated with females in law enforcement are related to retention more than to recruitment (Lonsway, 2006). Many women are drawn to the profession for personal and pragmatic reasons. For example, women indicate that secure employment with good pay and "excellent" benefits, as well as a "clear path for career advancement" were the primary motivations for joining the force in the first place (Harrington, 2002, p. 226).

Organizational structure and culture present the most notable barriers for women in law enforcement. Even small things like ill-fitting equipment and uniforms reflect the lack of consideration given to diverse personnel. However, organizational culture can have a pervasive impact on job satisfaction for women on the force. Many women report feeling a strong sense of job security, leading to a high sense of self-esteem and high job satisfaction (Harrington, 2002; Lonsway, 2006). However, more women than men report feelings of anxiety related to work (Lonsway, 2006). Women tend to be satisfied with their employment status, the nature of their work and their assignments, as well as their role in the organization (Lonsway, 2006). This is particularly true for women working in community policing organizations, a model that more women than men tend to support (Lonsway, 2006).

A potent factor related to job retention is the development of camaraderie among female officers, which can mitigate organizational culture barriers like sexual harassment (Harrington, 2002; Harrison, 2012). Harrison (2012) applies social bond theory to job satisfaction among women in law enforcement to show that women in law enforcement use their connections with female colleagues to mitigate the ill effects of minor sexual harassment and other organizational culture issues that would otherwise become barriers. However, most women in law enforcement stress the need for greater departmental and colleague support in their endeavor to achieve gender parity (Harrison, 2012).

History of Women in Law Enforcement

Women were once employed in a role dubbed "matron," (National Center for Women and Policing, n.d.; Flanagan, n.d.). In addition to performing custodial duties in prisons, women working in law enforcement organizations as matrons were assigned to cases involving female and juvenile offenders (Horne, 2006). However, prior to women suffrage and especially before the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, police matrons did not have the power to make arrests. However, in 1893, the mayor authorized the Chicago police department to hire Marie Owens, the widow of an officer whose husband was killed in the line of duty. Marie Owens was offered arrest powers, serving as a patrolman; she was also one of the first females ever to serve in this position. Her career with the Chicago police department lasted for thirty years. The first women to have been officially sworn in as police officers included Lola Baldwin in 1905 in Portland, Oregon and Alice Stebbin Wells in 1910 in Los Angeles (National Center for Women and Policing, n.d.). Baldwin had the power of arrest, and she served for fourteen years. The use of women in law enforcement remained more as an interface between social work and police duties, and also to help female offenders and juveniles. Women were considered the custodian of moral values and behaviors (Horne, 2006).

Just as law enforcement can be considered a gendered profession due to its overwhelmingly male composition, some crimes are also considered to be gendered, including rape and prostitution (Rich & Seffrin, 2014). Women in law enforcement prior to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission frequently dealt with gendered crimes like these, to provide the necessary insight and support services. Since the 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, women's role in law enforcement became more gender neutral. Even before the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, women were being integrated more...

The International Association of Women Police was founded, facilitating women's access to patrol positions, and many served (National Center for Women and Policing, n.d.).
Women's roles in policing shifted from that of social worker to that of law enforcement officer over the next several generations. Percentages of women serving in law enforcement doubled after passing the Equal Employment act, which ensured non-discrimination at all levels of human resources including promotions to police chief. The first female chief of police was Penny Harrington in Portland, Oregon, in 1985, and the first African-American chief of police was Beverly J. Harvard in Atlanta in 1994 (National Center for Women and Policing, n.d.). Race and gender frequently collide in the world of policing, with many African-American female officers reporting dual discrimination based on race and gender (Price, 1996).

Women Currently in Law Enforcement

Not all women working in law enforcement experience sexual harassment or discrimination (Blackstock, 2015). However, there are some structural barriers that still need to be addressed and overcome to achieve greater gender parity in law enforcement. For example, few departments have active gender-specific human resources strategies for recruitment and retention. Moreover, there are few formal mentoring programs for women in law enforcement (Horne, 2006). Although women and men both receive tremendous employee benefits, striking a work-family balance can be difficult in law enforcement (Blackstock, 2015). Promotions may be more challenging to attain for women vs. men, and some bias and discrimination still exists (Horne, 2006). Flanagan (n.d.) found that female officers can be harder on other females, in part because they are applying equal standards to all officers; men, on the other hand, might take it easy on women out of a chivalric attitude that simply perpetuates chauvinism on the force. Ideally, all officers work together while recognizing the strengths and weaknesses of each member.

Female officers respond better to community policing models and organizational cultures that stress collaboration and consensus building over authoritarianism (Horne, 2006; Miller, 1998). If more women are encouraged to participate at all levels of law enforcement, including in positions of senior management and leadership, the organizational culture of law enforcement would change. As Horne (2006) points out, women are less likely than their male counterparts on the force to use unnecessary force during operations. Women also tend to create organizational cultures based on camaraderie and collaboration, engendering trust among officers, eliminating corruption, and promoting higher rates of job satisfaction.

Conclusion

Encouraging more women to participate in law enforcement may have a net positive outcome for communities. Although women have made strides in law enforcement careers, significant barriers to gender parity remain. Flanagan (n.d.) reports common experiences with biased views of women during training, based on perceived physical and emotional weaknesses. As Blackstock (2015) and Flanagan (n.d.) point out, women receive the same rigorous training as their male counterparts, meaning that female officers are well prepared to meet the dangers and challenges of patrol work. In addition to relying on training and skills maintenance, all officers should work together as a team in crisis situations.

Sexual harassment and an intimidating organizational culture can also hinder the success of women in law enforcement. However, experiences of sexual harassment vary and some officers experience none (Blackstock, 2015). Likewise, discrimination is an unfortunate reality on the force, particularly for women of color who may experience racism and sexism at the same time. Community policing and other collaborative models can help law enforcement agencies shift into a more responsive force that recognized the needs of women in law enforcement and women in the community as well. Improving organizational culture so that the old boy's club mentality wanes in favor of an inclusive environment, female chief officers can create leadership standards that future women can follow.