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Small states are unable to protect their subjects." By alluding to the vulnerability of scattered German states before the strong Prussian state arrived to unite and lead them, he attempts to justify the dominance of the German Confederation by its strongest state, Prussia.
Also indicative of the more defined notions of the German identity during the period of expansion are the rants of Richard Wagner. In Wagner's extended rant about Jews, he claims that Jews lack the profundity, passion, and soul which so typify German people. To prove this, he points to the lack of Jewish representation in Music and Poetry, later breaking down famous Jewish composers and poets who might defy this categorization.
Unlike the nationalist rhetoric of the expansionist period, Hitler's speech defines Germany solely by the offenses committed upon her by outsiders, be they the French trespassing in the Rhineland, the Jews infiltrating Germany's political offices, or the Bolshevik dystopia that awaited Germany if she did not find a strong leader to stop these forces. Hitler did not need to remind the Germans of who they were, he only needed to show them what they might lose.
In Hitler's rhetoric, we see a distillation of the essential process of "othering" found in most of the literature of German Nationalism. The Napoleonic Wars may have first enabled...
Nothing else can explain the birth of German Nationalism during a time when German states had such little contact with each other. There was such little contact, in fact, that Jahn had to encourage Germans to visit other German territories in order to learn of the commonalities between them.
Curiously, the strongest argument against German nationalism comes from the most beloved of all German intellectuals, Johan Wolfganng von Goethe. Goethe observed that "…national hatred is a peculiar thing. You invariably find it to be strongest and most violent where there is the lowest degree of culture." In an exercise so dependent on the process of "othering," it is hard to ignore the undercurrent of national hatred in German Nationalism. One can easily guess what Goethe would have thought of the anti-French, anti-German, and anti-Jewish sentiment expressed by Treitschke, Wagner, and Hitler.
The range of ideas and observations present in German Nationalist literature is amazing. Rarely has such ignorance, fear, and delusion shared the same space with such insight, ambition, and intellectual courage. Ultimately, and perhaps fortunately, the writings seem to be more of a reflection of the German mood at the time than a definition of the German people.
Nationalism was a global trend by the time the Great War broke out. Each nation state developed its own national identity via the use of myths, symbols, and ideology that ranged from ethnic solidarity to political values. Nationalism in Germany became especially potent after the Franco-Prussian War, during which Bismarck wielded his political and military prowess in formidable ways. Crucial to winning the war campaign was a sense of national
So, Belgium chose a proportional representation system in 1899 in order to avoid a permanent confrontation between the two sides. The sub-societies of Belgium recognize and respect each other and they all agree on a principle of self-organization. The Belgian government is based on a principle of mutual recognition of the segments, and permanent compromises between them to spread over public goods (Lijpharrt, 1977). The federalization of the state was another
German unification occupies a significant place in the history of this great European power. Otto Von Bismarck, once the prime minister of Prussia, is responsible for single-handedly engineering this unification through clever strategies and creative tactics. The paper sheds light on the role of this German Chancellor in the unification of Germany. ROLE OF BISMARCK IN GERMAN UNIFICATION Germany has seen and experienced more than its fair share of troubles, wars and
In this regard, Bartee (2000) points out that the Leipzig protest of January 15, 1989, was a good example of how social protest in the East was becoming more sophisticated and organized, with thousands of activists distributing leaflets calling for attendance at the rally all over Leipzig around midnight of January 11-12, 1989: "The leaflets boldly called for an open demonstration the next Sunday afternoon in front of Leipzig's
The nationalism furthered by Hamas is a direct salvo against oppression and occupation. Its foundation is premised on blame and hatred of the "other." Again, instability leads the uncertain from away from foreign and in the direction of the known, this being especially powerful, when meshed with the concrete assuagements of religion. The efficacy of religion as an instrument of nationalist ideology can also be seen in the Islamist movement.
These, and a combination of other issues, will cause Singaporeans to become more nationalistic and to revolt against a foreign presence. Toffler has been correct with past predictions; indications indicate that he may well be correct with this one too. Evidence against Singapore is already a diverse nation. Unlike Germany whose citizens saw themselves as German, Singapore's citizens see themselves in terms of their background races even if these background races