Public Opinion
How Do Current Events Affect Public Opinion of America's Weaknesses?
If physics can lend anything to the sphere of political science, it is that every action has an equal and opposite reaction. As the world becomes more quickly polarized than ever before, the public opinion of the America, both internally and externally, has never been more important. Despite the significance of popular support for the American nation as battles surge overseas and nebulous danger threatens the home front, recent events in the Middle East, at home, and throughout the rest of the world have caused a degeneration of support. The power of public opinion is nothing new; the lessons of Vietnam have never been more relevant in the formation of an American policy campaign to garner support than now. In both past and present circumstances, the power of current events on the formation of public opinion is clear; while it can serve to bolster support for an administration in good times, in bad times, current events and their coverage transform public opinion, zoning in on and becoming the core of America's weakness.
"Iraq to investigate alleged abuse of 173 detainees."
"The Revision Thing: Democrats made a key mistake when they voted for the Iraq War: They trusted the President."
"Senate rebukes Bush on Iraq War policy."
The most recent headlines make clear the modern history of the United States: one of disjoint, confusion, and dismay. While the media sources reveal the chagrin manifested in the 60% of Americans who disapprove of the President's performance in office, it is the interminable bombardment of the American people with news of a failing war campaign in Iraq, disagreement on the home front, and growing concern over recent events that have drawn attention to America's weaknesses.
The correlation of public opinion and popular view of recent events on the widespread support, or its dearth, for the ruling government is nothing new. While a prolific and pervasive problem, the failings of perception can be the downfall of an administration and, by extension, its nation's power in the greater sphere. When Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger contemplated the viability of American military intervention abroad in 1984, he well understood the importance that the support of the citizenry would play. "There must be some reasonable assurance that we will have the support of the American people," he said.
The role of public support for the American government has traced its perceptions of strengths and weaknesses since the dawn of the nation. In 1937, public opinion fostered the lens through which the power of the administration was viewed when President Roosevelt suggested the reorganization of the Supreme Court nine to fifteen members.
This reconstruction was not without significant support, but its popular hesitation was more critical.
"Enlargement of the Supreme Court from nine to fifteen members was the most controversial feature of the general reorganization of the federal judiciary proposed by the President, aimed at speeding up the process of clearing cases through the federal court system, and making the system more 'representative' of the wishes of the people."
The enlargement of the system was welcomed by many for the speed with which it could usher long-standing and expense-ridden cases through the judiciary, but recent events cast a shadow of doubt upon the plan. The recent New Deal plan, while absolving many of the nations woes, came on the heels of the market crash and ensuing Depression. In an era in which so many people's futures were cast upon the fortune of national finances, the expansion of one President upon the law of the land was frightening. The power of one President to nominate, one Congress to vet, and one pool of applicants from which to choose six new Supreme Court Justices was too perceived to be too much power for one administration to hold, even if the goal of that administration was to prevent the Court from being able to "usurp" its own powers and exert them unduly upon the citizens of the United States.
From February to April of the same year, Gallop polling tested the national waters in terms of favor for President Roosevelt's proposal.
Not even half of the surveyed American populace approved of the plan.
At the same time, the New York Times was as avidly reporting the Capitol squabble then as it is today. According to the Times, 35 senators at the time stated they were "uncommitted" to the plan, 28 were firmly "against," and only 32 were on the record as "favoring" the plan.
As this discontent was disseminated to the people, a paralleled reverberation was witnessed upon...
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