Obesity and its Policy Guidelines

Policy Guidelines
Obesity has grown into a worldwide pandemic, with obesity rates constantly increasing. The WHO (World Health Organization) reports that over forty million children and 1.4 billion adult individuals may be categorized as ‘overweight’, while over 10 percent of individuals across the world may be categorized as ‘obese’. Children with BMI (body mass index) ?95% of others their age are regarded as obese. Though, at one time, obesity was thought to only plague industrialized nations, the issue has been on the rise in developing nations as well, particularly among affluent urban populations. Intrinsic hormonal differences render females more prone to becoming obese than males (Sahoo, et al, 187).
Among the gravest public health issues experienced in this era is childhood obesity. It is a universal issue, increasing alarmingly and steadily impacting several underdeveloped and developing nations (especially the urban areas of these nations). In the year 2010, the global figure for overweight children aged below 5 years was reported as more than 42 million, with nearly 35 million residing in developing nations (Sahoo, et al, 187).
Children suffering from obesity are at greater risk, when compared with their normally weighing counterparts, of developing several other health issues in their teens and young adulthood, including insulin resistance related orthopedic issues, gallbladder disease, polycystic ovarian syndrome, and sleep apnea. Additionally, obese children face peer ostracism and criticism for being ‘fat’, sometimes even from the kindergarten age. A research into obese boys revealed their fourfold greater likelihood of experiencing depression in comparison to their normally weighing counterparts. Such emotional problems adversely impact the quality of life (QoL) of obese children; the extent of impairment of their QoL was comparable with the negative impacts on QoL of cancer-diagnosed children (Woolford 89).
Childhood obesity represents a major adulthood obesity risk factor. In fact, toddlerhood obesity has been linked to teenage as well as adulthood obesity. Obese boys and girls between 10 and 13 years of age depict 6:1 and 18:1 adulthood obesity risk, respectively. Further, obese children aged 4 display a twenty-percent likelihood of adulthood obesity. Chances of children with both overweight parents becoming obese is thrice that of children with both normal-weight parents. Such linkages are evident among natural as well as adoptive children, confirming the crucial part played by environment. If the childhood/teenage obesity pandemic isn’t curbed, next-gen adults will already start experiencing multiple medical issues owing to their childhood obesity history, increasing their premature mortality and morbidity risks. The reason for this is, perhaps, the positive link between years since obesity development and risk of obesity-connected diseases development. Hence, obese children display greater likelihood of developing adulthood comorbidities (Woolford 89).
Preventing obesity or delaying its onset calls for efforts on the part of several sectors, in the area of improving related practices and policies. Collaboration between institutions, households, communities and initiatives may facilitate promotion and maintenance of a healthy atmosphere for youngsters. Newborns, older babies, and preschool-age children depend on their parents’ and other adults’ actions; consequently, they need to receive care which fosters their healthy development, wellbeing and growth all through the day. Policies impacting children’s internal as well as external environments ought to ensure healthy choices are choices that are easy to make for parents and other adults who take care of or deal with children (Burns, et al 7).
In the last ten years, European nations and the US have adopted a number of policies showing the potential to prevent childhood obesity; these include school-level policies (e.g., vending machine regulation within schools); food and beverages industry- level policies (e.g., value sizing and putting calorie labels on food items); community-level policies (e.g., zoning for restricting junk food outlets); and broader societal-level policies (e.g., regulation of food and beverages advertising to youngsters) (Zhang, et al 171).
Regional and national level governmental food policy formulation and adoption is influenced by various factors like tradition, culture, political systems, and different societal stakeholders’ support. Effective behavioral modifications may be accomplished via policy interoperability and synergistic interactions among diverse constituents. The optimal policy design across all levels ought to create a smooth platform which targets individual behavior. Policy planning ought to alter the context wherein undesirable diet patterns occur (in other words, the everyday food environment confronted by individuals). Efforts towards altering the everyday food environment need to tackle the current food system that requires overhauling and reengineering for creating a nutritious food environment. For sustaining the required behavioral modification, ongoing training and education has to be offered for ensuing people have the requisite skills and information for adapting to the novel environment. Achievement of synergy between these policies and factors necessitates enforcement measure establishment and administrative supervision at the national and local governmental levels (Zhang, et al 173).
Nutrition education proves vital to facilitating desired health behavior alterations and fostering a healthy diet, including a diet targeted at obesity prevention. Dietary guidelines raise public awareness when it comes to nutritional requirements, besides facilitating nutrition education within diverse settings and at several levels. Currently, over sixty developing and industrialized nations in all continents have come up with their personal dietary guidelines for the nation. For instance, America’s agriculture department and the HHS (Health and Human Services) department have formulated and issued Dietary Guidelines for Americans in the year 1980, revised once in five years; the latest edition (7th edition), which came out in the year 2010, placed fresh emphasis on healthy weight maintenance and balanced energy consumption. The above guidelines offer authoritative recommendations targeted at individuals aged above two years with respect to how effective dietary habits promote health as well as decrease acute chronic ailment risks. The guidelines form the foundation of federal nutrition and food related educational initiatives (Zhang, et al 174).
Firstly, food and beverage marketing to children proves highly persuasive and effective. Especially sound evidence relates TV advertisements with children’s food-related preferences, knowledge, intake patterns and requests for purchase. In addition, TV advertisements have been linked to greater fast food and high-calorie food intake (e.g., snacks, high-calorie soft drinks, etc.). According to AAP (American Academy of Pediatrics) reports, enough proofs exist warranting prohibition of ads on particular foods and beverages when airing children’s TV programs (29). Moreover, the WHO has stated that decreased marketing of high-fat, high-sugar and high-salt concentration foods and beverages to children will probably work as an economical way of reducing NCDs (Zhang, et al 175).
Nutrition labelling can contribute immensely to ensuring healthy food choices on the part of consumers, by providing them with information on their nutritional content. Hence, policymakers of several countries have been making the case for laws mandating nutrition labelling within restaurants and on packaged foods. Interpretive food labelling which help consumers understand nutrition information (for instance, by using colors, logos or percentages) have been widely recognized as measures with great potential to prevent obesity. Relevant governmental policies may make such labeling compulsory. Introducing a state-mandated scheme may limit alternative established systems, thus decreasing consumer confusion (World Health Organization 28).
Research evidence suggests that people tend to consume more calories when eating out in comparison to eating home-cooked meals; this is typically because restaurant/fast food outlets offer low-fiber, high-energy and high-fat foods. Thus, public health advocates have extensively campaigned for expanding nutrition labeling and covering restaurant foods as well. The 2010 Obamacare, in the US, has called for nutritional and calorie labeling by restaurant chains, vending machines, and retail food businesses. The Food and Drug Administration, responsible for the act’s implementation, has put forward public input regulations (Zhang, et al 175).
Food marketing represents an efficient way to alter consumers', particularly children’s, food preferences. Present-day food corporations have incorporated multiple media, including the World Wide Web, TV, famous movie characters and attractive packaging for achieving food market penetration. But a majority of TV-advertised food products are characterized by low nutritional value and high sugar and fat content. Extensive research reveals that growing food ad exposure may influence food-related beliefs, purchase requests and preferences (Zhang, et al 176).
A large number of policymakers and research scholars hold the view that economic strategies work better as compared to other approaches like health education when it comes to healthy behavior promotion. America’s successful experience (as well as that of other nations) with regard to tobacco control offers valuable evidence in support of the above claim. Considerable literature may be found in the area of tobacco control-related economic policies and their impacts. Of late, a swiftly rising research pool on the subject obesity has given emphasis to economic strategies’ impact on preventing obesity (Zhang, et al 176).
Food prices may be impacted by economic policies; hence, the WHO recommended them in the year 2008 for promoting healthy public eating. Increasing taxes on unhealthy foods and offering healthy foods at low prices constitute key obesity prevention economic policy approaches. Poorer socioeconomic groups may more likely buy inexpensive, unhealthy foods; their likelihood of purchasing expensive healthy foods is low. Hence, food subsidies or taxes can penalize poorer populations and work in high-income groups’ favor. But those supporting this strategy claim that the health benefits linked to reducing obesity work aid poor populations more; thus, food subsidies or taxes work (Zhang, et al 176).
Taxing unhealthy food products and SSBs can have a minimum of two positive impacts: 1) Increased revenues which can help encourage vegetable and fruit consumption efforts, besides supporting other initiatives targeted at preventing obesity; and 2) Increased unhealthy foods/SSB prices, thus decreasing consumption. Encouraging vegetable and fruit intake for replacing high-energy foods is believed to potentially aid obesity prevention. Michelle Obama, former US First Lady’s “Let's Move” program aimed at drastically increasing vegetable and fruit consumption. Program-linked advocacy efforts and the National School Lunch Program ensures 32 million school students get to consume meals containing vegetables as well as fruits daily (Zhang, et al 177).
All levels of the US government have prioritized the development of school policies for creating active student lifestyles and improving nutritional standards. The 2010 HHFKA (Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act) represents the nation’s key policy change. This act calls for federal nutrition standard development for every food product that is routinely sold by school cafeterias, stores, vending machines, and “a la carte” lunch lines. The Act offers further funding to schools which meet the nutritional standards established (Zhang, et al 178).
Growing awareness concerning the significance of healthy food and the repercussions of obesity has led numerous nations across the glove to actively work to supporting obesity prevention- targeted food policies. European countries, the US and other developed nations have spearheaded obesity policy innovations using food labeling, school wellness initiatives and similar measures. Mexico, Thailand, China and a few other developing nations have also embarked on similar ventures. This implementation pattern indicates the gap between emerging and industrialized nations’ obesity burden. Preventing obesity using food policy offers policymakers in emerging as well as industrialized nations a good opportunity for collaboration (Zhang, et al 180).














Works Cited
Burns, Annina, Lynn Parker, and Leann L. Birch, eds. Early childhood obesity prevention policies. National Academies Press, 2011, pp. 4-10
Sahoo, Krushnapriya, et al. "Childhood obesity: causes and consequences." Journal of family medicine and primary care4.2 (2015): 187.
Woolford, Phyllis. "CHILDHOOD OBESITY: AN OVERVIEW OF THE GLOBAL EPIDEMIC." The Journal of Applied Christian Leadership, vol. 7, no. 2, 2013, pp. 82-101. ProQuest, https://search.proquest.com/docview/1754574005?accountid=30552.
World Health Organization. "Population-based approaches to childhood obesity prevention." (2012).
Zhang, Qi et al. “Food Policy Approaches to Obesity Prevention: An International Perspective.” Current obesity reports 3.2 (2014): 171–182. PMC. Web. 1 Oct. 2018.