Organisational Psychology This Chapter Reviews the Literature

Organisational Psychology

This chapter reviews the literature and research outcomes within which the current research is located. It identifies the theory currently in use and sets the theoretical context for the study.

Emotions and feelings shape and lubricate social transactions and in this way emotions contribute to, and reflect, the structure and culture of organizations. Order and control, the very essence of the 'organization' of work, concern what people 'do' with their feelings (Fineman, 1993). Emotions suffuse all significant aspects of an individual's experience, including all meaningful objects, activities and relations, and underlie virtually the entire edifice referred to as culture (Fineman, 1993). Yet it is difficult to find much evidence of the importance of emotions in organizational theory.

Emotion influences the occurrence and course of altruism, creativity, learning and memory, social perception and interaction, social comparison, resource allocation, self-evaluation, moral reasoning, attraction and liking, attributions and expectations, judgement and decision making, self-regulation and coping and irrational beliefs (Cornelius, 1996)., Emotion is also relevant to understanding specific topics central to Organizational Psychology, such as job satisfaction, worker motivation, and how job characteristics (such as personal control) contribute to important outcomes such as productivity (Warr, 1999). A dispositional view of emotion, along with the theories and measures developed in the area of personality and emotion (Larsen, 2000) may help Organizational Psychologists better understand the personal characteristics that people bring to the workplace and how these characteristics interact with job characteristics to influence behaviour on the job (Judge & Larsen, 2001).

Why is this sentence here at the beginning of a paragraph and then there is no follow up to that sentence in the paragraph?

Emotion is now recognized as a feature of the work that many people do. A display of friendliness, involving direct eye contact and a smile, is not merely a bonus for sales and catering staff but an integral part of their jobs. Emotions suffuse all significant aspects of an individual's experience, including all meaningful objects, activities and relations, and underlie virtually the entire edifice we call culture (Fineman, 1994). Everything that is meaningful is also emotionally charged (Briner, 1999).

Emotions are not simply important because we experience them and talk about them; they are also a fundamental part of other work behaviours and attitudes (Briner, 1999). Among the many reasons to be interested in human emotions in the workplace, foremost is that, as applied scientists, one of our aspirations is to increase human welfare. Rather than being objective, welfare is subjectively defined by people in terms of their affective reactions to organizational events (Lord, Klimoski & Kanfer, 2002). Consequently, if we can find ways to alter organizational practices, social processes, or task designs in ways that increase positive emotions and reduce negative emotions, the welfare of organizational members is directly increased (Lord et al., 2002).

DEFINING EMOTIONS

This section reviews a range of theories and definitions of emotions and emotions at work.

1.2.1 Emotions and Moods

It is important to define emotions carefully and distinguish emotions from moods (Lord, Klimoski & Kanfer, 2002). Izard (1992) notes that defining emotions is a complex issue, but he stresses that the experiential component of emotions -- the experience of pain, anger, and joy-is central and manifests itself as an action tendency, a biasing of perceptions, or a feeling state. He maintains that emotional experiences are activated by neural, sensorimotor, motivational, and cognitive systems, but also notes that neural systems can activate emotions without cognitive meditation Emotions are generally of short duration and are associated with a specific stimulus; mood in contrast, is more enduring, more diffuse, and less related to specific stimuli Emotions also have a stronger linkage with specific behaviours than moods do.

Emotions are also central components of human reactions to many types of stimuli. Hence, they can directly cue specific behaviours, as well as indirectly influence behaviour by their effect on physiological, cognitive, or social processes. repetition

According to Weiss (1999) emotion has been a difficult construct to define partly because emotion is a constellation of physiological, subjective, and behavioural responses that cohere as a unified construct. This multicomponent nature of emotions is seen as quite understandable when one recognizes that emotions serve adaptive functions and therefore recruit multiple systems in the service of dealing with adaptive problems). Frijda (1993) as cited in Weiss (1999), provides a summary of the general consensus among emotion researchers as to the components of an emotion. First, there is the experiential component of affect, that is, the subjective appreciation of the emotional state. Part, but not all, of this experience is valence. Emotions are valenced states, and valence is a necessary but not sufficient element of emotion. Second, this subjective experiential element is always connected to some person, object, or event. Third, most emotion researchers recognize that emotional states include recognizable physiological, bodily changes. Finally, discrete emotions contain particular action tendencies

The most global definition of emotion draws from systems theory, identifying emotion as a multi-attribute process that unfolds over time, with the attributes unfolding at different rates. (not relevant here). Emotion must be viewed as an inferred construct, and researchers should be cautioned against viewing specific operational definitions as complete and without remainder (Larsen, 2000).

Mood and emotion are closely related, but differentiating characteristics have been described. Frequently, moods and emotions are distinguished by both the intensity and duration of the affective state (Larsen, 2000). Moods, as compared to emotions, are thought to be less intense and of longer duration. Emotions tend to be punctuated; they have more definable beginnings and endings (Weiss, 1999). Many researchers have noted that while emotions always seem to be affect in relation to a particular object or event (I am angry with my colleague; I feel guilty about having lied to a friend), moods lack such an object or defining event (Larsen, 2000). They exist more as background affective states. The diffuseness of the mood, its disconnection from particular objects or circumstances, is often central to its broad cognitive and behavioral effects (Weiss, 1999).

Larsen (2000) states that it is useful to consider emotions in the context of other types of affective phenomena. Examples of three other types of affective phenomena are - moods, meta-moods and emotionally laden judgements. Perhaps most similar to emotions are moods. But whereas moods have been considered to be relatively slow-changing, weak or moderate in intensity and not necessarily responses to specific events, emotions have in contrast been considered to be rapidly changing, strong in intensity, and always in response to specific events (Parkinson et al., cited in Briner 1999). Examples of adjectives that would describe moods would include calm or sad, whereas examples of emotion adjectives could be anger or shame (Briner, 1999).

A second example of another affective phenomenon is meta-moods (Mayer and Gaschke, 1988), which are people's thoughts and feelings about moods or emotions. In addition to experiencing a mood or emotion itself, we may also have thoughts and feelings about its clarity (do I know how I feel?) and acceptability (is it ok to feel like this?), and controllability (can I change this feeling?). Affective experience may also include our own monitoring and appraisal of the affect we are experiencing: These meta-moods are likely to be much more significant in understanding the dynamics of affect than simply knowing that a particular mood or emotion is being experienced (Briner, 1999).

A third example is emotionally laden judgements which appear to be particularly relevant to work. In asking people what they mean by 'stress' or 'satisfaction' or in listening to people talk about their feelings at work, it is often the case that they use terms such as feeling valued, trusted, appreciated, exploited, or disrespected (Briner, 1999). Although these are not moods or emotions as such, feeling valued or otherwise, for example, would appear to be a central part of affective experiences at work (Briner, 1999), (Larsen, 2000).

Emotions have in the past been defined in contrast to moods in that they tend to be rapidly changing, intense and in response to specific events (Briner, 1999). Larsen (2002) states that although there are numerous definitions of emotions, most contain some or all of the following components: Cognition (e.g. appraisal, evaluation); internal reaction (e.g. heart rate); overt behaviour (e.g. approach, avoidance); facial expression (e.g. frown, smile); a goal structure (e.g. loss, anger). Particularly relevant components of emotions in the work context appear to be overt behaviours, facial expressions and goal structures (Larson, 2002). Behaviours seem important, as one of the things Organizational Psychologists want to know is how emotions affect behaviours. Facial expressions are highly relevant as an important part of emotion at work takes place in the context of jobs in which people are required to display emotion as part of their work role. Finally, goal structures seem important as they help us understand the ways in which work and work tasks may produce experienced emotions (Briner, 1999).

The volatile nature of the contemporary workplace has substantial ramifications for the emotions of organizational members - not only for the emotions themselves, but also for the way that the emotions are managed (Lord, 2002). Goldman (1995, p 149) stated that 'Corporations have gone through a radical revolution within this century, and with this has come a corresponding transformation of the emotional landscape.' When exploring the current changes taking place within organizations, an important consideration may be the impact of these changes on the underlying emotional system within the organization. It can be demonstrated how crucial emotions are to the welfare of the organization when considering the impact that emotions such as anxiety and fear have on work and the individuals involved (Briner, 1999), (Lord, 2002).

Rational self at work

Organizations are usually studied from either rationalistic or normative perspectives, suggesting that they are immune to emotion (Flam, 1990).(e.g. is this a point of fact you are making that is relevant to the further discussion on rational self at work? If so then you do not need to refer to anyone, just make your point.).(ditto)this sentence is repetitious. Studies that do deal with emotions tend to focus on work satisfaction, work enthusiasm, or self-actualization. The so-called negative emotions, such as fear, guilt, anger, frustration or embarrassment, do not receive the attention they deserve although they play a key role in the shaping of the organizational order. Flam (1990) postulates that there are three distinct selves - emotional, normative and rational - which are at work within an individual, and that an emotional self - experiencing a specific induced feeling: fear - helps the rational self to suppress and/or engage in a battle with the normative self Over referencing in this first paragraph.

By definition, a rational self is cost-conscious Because it is resource constrained, a rational self always calculates whether a given course of action is such that the benefits will exceed the costs. If the costs are higher than the benefits, no action will be undertaken, unless the individual is coerced or receives cost-reducing benefits. In contrast, a normative self is norm-conscious. Because it is value-constrained, a normative self always considers a given course of action in terms of what is socially proper. If the course of action deviates from social norms, no action will be undertaken, unless the individual is resocialised to change his or her values. Finally, a 'pure' emotional self is oblivious to the cost). Always other oriented, it generates a positive, indifferent or negative relational charge for which it seeks expression. It urges the other selves to deal with the relational charge it generates. Flam (1990) believes that fear - as a warning signal and a negative relational charge - forces the individual to reconsider his or her normative preferences. A considered course of action, which as a matter of principle should not be subject to a calculus, becomes subject to a cost-benefit analysis under the influence of fear. The value-informed preferences are no longer measured by a normative yardstick, but by a rational one

Fear is a reality check in two senses (Flam, 1990). First, because it signals the (present or impending) threat to one's self stemming from a violation of the power relations. Second, because in signaling that a pursuit of a specific preference invites danger, it begs the question whether it should remain a preference (Flam, 1990). It also begs the question of whether the cost of upholding certain values is not too high (Flam, 1990). By questioning, it opens the door for a 'battle of the selves', wherein the value argument confronts the cost argument. The rational self calculates whether indeed a normative course of action will not be too costly. If it is too costly, and fear presses towards such a conclusion, the battle of the selves ends with the defeat of the normative self (Flam, 1990). Under fear's unrelenting pressure, the rational self takes charge. The subjectively normative course of action is abandoned (Flam, 1990).

Same for the referencing in this paragraph.- just discuss your points and then use maybe one reference to back it up.

Fear as a response to life and body threats, and its role in producing overt obedience to organizations, has long been recognized as existing in totalitarian regimes (Flam, 1990). What is lacking is a widespread recognition that the fear of forfeited life chances and/or of an existential void is also important (Flam, 1990). It plays a similar role in totalitarian and in non-totalitarian regimes and organizations. Even in liberal Western regimes, no matter how low their unemployment rates and how good their unemployment and social benefits, the fundamental threat of unemployment exists (Flam, 1990). In these work ethic-based societies, individuals fear both unemployment and a loss of their work identity (Flam, 1990). This fear exercises a powerful influence on the way people act. Flam (1990) believes that for fear of remaining unemployed or living in an existential void, many people play act in job interviews and, a far more serious matter, feel compelled to accept jobs they abhor. Once employed, people continue their play acting (compromising their normative selves and becoming estranged from their feelings) in the presence of their colleagues, superiors and clients, while striving to follow organizational and career path rules (Hochschild, 1983).

To analyse this section....what was your main point you wanted to make about the rational self at work as your subtitle suggests?

You have a long discussion on fear and not clear how it relates to the subtitle.

The opening sentence suggests that the section is about how emotions are not given enough attention in studies of organisations. But your section does not bring that out enough, nor what is the relevance of this discussion to your study.

Emotion-behaviour linkages

Most theories of emotions recognize the linkage between specific emotions and specific types of behaviours (Lord & Kanfer, 2002).(again.. purpose of this reference?) Negative emotions often have strong associations with specific types of behaviour, and strong negative emotions are likely to produce such behaviours with minimal guidance from concomitant cognitive processing because responses occur too fast for much processing to occur.(complicated sentence!suggested rewrite: Negative emotions often have strong associations with specific types of behaviour. These behaviours, since they occur at such a speed, are likely to be produced with minimal guidance from concomitant cognitive processingRepetition. not related here.

Positive emotions have garnered less attention than negative emotions, for several reasons: they are less differentiated, they are not associated with specific problems needing solutions, and they are not associated with specific action tendencies thought to be necessary for survival (is this her theory? Or is it general theory arrived at by many people?) Nevertheless, positive emotions may have critical functions that are necessary for the survival of species or the effective functioning of organizations, Fredrickson (1998) has developed a 'broaden-and-build' perspective on the value of positive emotions. She maintains that positive emotions are important in that they broaden attention and create situations where cognitive, physical, and social resources can be built. For example, she maintains that joy promotes play, which helps to build physical, social and intellectual skills.). She also notes that positive emotions serve as an antidote to the harmful physiological and cognitive effects of negative emotions.

Lord and Kanfer (2002) state that generalizing from Fredrickson's perspective; positive emotions should promote a number of important organizational processes, such as skill building, creativity, effective social relations, organizational commitment, collective orientations, and prosocial behaviours Similarly,(similar to what?) contentment broadens the self and worldview and creates the urge to integrate; love triggers other positive emotions and solidifies individual and social resources.

Consistent with such arguments, recent organization research has again raised the issue of whether happier workers are more productive

Keep it flowing by discussing one author at a time.

Ortony, Clore and Collins (1988) devised a matrix of adjectives to describe emotions. They include satisfaction in their matrix but as an emotion or specific short-term reaction to an event rather than a general appraisal of a job or job facet. The entire range of adjectives used in the matrix can be experienced by people at work. Some examples of the adjectives used are: pride, embarrassment, guilt, shame, admiration, appreciation, contempt, disdain, gratitude, thankfulness, annoyance, fury, outrage, smugness, self satisfaction, remorse, joy, distress, shock, misery, compassion, pity, resentment, envy, hope, fear, anxiety, apprehension, satisfaction, relief and affection (Ortony, Clore & Collins, 1988). The matrix illustrates a diverse and rich range of affective experiences compared to thinking about affect simply in terms of stress and satisfaction (Briner, 1999).

This last paragraph does not have anything to do with emotion-behaviour linkages, but more to do with your previous section on defining emotions.

Emotions and Motivation

Lord and Kanfer (2002) postulate that emotions play an integral role in motivation. Individual differences in emotional tendencies interact with organizational events and social interactions to yield emotional reactions that importantly shape an individual's goals and the persistence of effort in the face of obstacles The influence of emotional reactions to events, such as downsizing, may seriously weaken personal commitment to organizationally desired goals and, in turn, job performance Lord and Kanfer (2002) maintain that emotional processes are also implicated in the accomplishment of complex and longer-term goals. Individual differences in the regulation of different emotions, such as anger and boredom, play a central role in the effective pursuit of goals that involve sustained attentional effort In organizational contexts, such individual differences may be particularly important in the prediction of training outcomes and performance in jobs that involve substantial autonomous functioning

Motivational processes also play an important role in the elicitation and expression of emotions Theories of cognitive appraisal, for example, posit the critical importance of appraisals of personal significance for the elicitation of emotional responses As such, the emotional significance of an event depends on the extent to which the event is appraised as relevant to the individual's goal concerns 1.3

EMOTION MODELS, DIMENSIONS AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

This section reviews various approaches to the study of emotions in the workplace.

Primary emotions vs. Emotions Dimensions

Larsen, Diener and Lucas (2000) discuss two fundamental views on the nature of emotion. One view - the primary emotions view - holds that the domain is best represented as a small set of fundamental or basic emotions. Lists of usually between five and nine basic emotions are offered, defined by such criteria as unique facial expressions, distinct action tendencies, or adaptive significance. Organizational Psychologists may prefer the primary emotions view when they are interested in very specific emotions in the workplace, (repetition), such as aggression.

In contrast to the primary emotions view, a second view holds that the affect domain is best represented by a small set of underlying dimensions (two or three) (Lang, Bradley & Cuthbert, 1990). This dimensional view suggests that all emotional experiences are blends of a few dimensional ingredients. Valence (from pleasant to unpleasant) and arousal are the dimensions that many researchers use who endorse the dimensional view of affect (Lang, Bradley & Cuthbert, 1990). In this view, anger is viewed as a high-arousal, negatively valenced emotion. Anxiety, fear, disgust, and distress are similar high-arousal negative emotions (Larsen, Diener & Lucas, 2000). While many high-arousal negative emotions appear quite different from each other, a few findings lend support to the value of a dimensional view of emotion.

Many processes that influence or are influenced by emotions are sensitive to broad classes of emotion, such as the high arousal negative emotions, and are not diagnostic of specific emotions (Larsen, Diener & Lucas, 2000). For example, failure experiences, such as severe criticism from one's supervisor at work, result in some people experiencing intense sadness, whereas others experience intense anger. So a high arousal negative emotion is likely to follow certain events, but we do not know which specific one

1.3.1 (should't this be 1.3.2?) The Circumplex model

Within the dimensional view of affect, one model prevails. This is the circumplex model, presented in figure 1 (Larsen, Diener & Lucas, 2000). A few distinguishing features characterize the circumplex model. First, the model is a two-dimensional map of the affective domain. By stating that the affect domain is circumplex, it is implied that all specific emotions can be described using the coordinates of two dimensions. A second feature of the circumplex model is that it lacks simple structure. Regardless of where the two reference dimensions are located in the circumplex, there will always be individual emotions that lie between those coordinates (Another characteristic of the circumplex is that two dimensions at a right angle to each other will provide the maximum information about the location of individual emotions in the circumplex space. Thus, the circumplex structure provides a specific measurement model of the emotion domain

Figure 1 represents the circumplex model with the primary coordinates (shown in heavy lines) of pleasure-displeasure and high-low activation (or arousal). These two reference dimensions are descriptively useful because they represent two maximally different aspects of the affect domain. The pleasure-displeasure dimension captures the hedonic continuum, with all unpleasant emotions on one side and all pleasant emotions on the other. Activation represents a continuum from sleep to extreme levels of alertness, engagement, and arousal and does not refer to hedonic content (Larsen, Diener & Lucas, 2000).) this is not necessary in a literature review.

Warr (1999) discusses the circumplex model in relation to workplace issues such as job satisfaction and postulates that there is an overlap between general life satisfaction (defined as frequently experiencing positive emotions) and specific work satisfaction (defined as the frequent experience of positive emotions on the job) It appears that there is a mutual influence: job satisfaction appears to be an important contributor to life satisfaction, and people high in life satisfaction tend to enjoy their jobs more than people low in life satisfaction do

The circumplex model posits that emotions that are close to each other on the circumference (such as anger and anxiety) are similar in terms of the dimensions, whereas emotions that are 180 degrees away from each other are opposites (such as happy and sad)

For example here.. instead of repeating Briner, 1999, you can start the paragraph by saying that Briner (1999) discusses how emotions are central to the job, and then go on to discuss all that he says. In the workplace, as in any social context, the emotions that people express and reveal usually dictate the nature of the interactions that take place (Briner, 1999). In some kinds of work, however, displays of certain emotions are central to the actual job or task requirement Illustrating the significant growth of the service sector,

Not clear how these 2 last sentences connect to the paragraph.

Framework of emotions in organizations you need a more poignant opening sentence to lead the reader into what to expect in the section about what is a framework and why it is important, and then how it relates to your study. Then a discourse on the theory and studies reviewed about frameworks. This section is not clear to read and understand what the points are.

Fiebig and Kramer (1998) postulate that a holistic approach to the study of emotions in organizations is necessary. Emotions as they see it, are related to goals or expectations. Some event serves as a catalyst by inhibiting or accelerating these expectations. This discrepancy (what discrepancy?) from expectations results in cognitive and physiological awareness of felt emotions. believe that emotion management decisions are made to express or disguise the felt emotions. The resulting communication behaviours then affect future expectations.), the components of emotion experience include a) expectations, b) catalysts, c) awareness, d) emotion management, e) communication behaviour and f) the impact of emotions. They emphasize the interrelatedness of the various elements of emotions (Fiebig & Kramer, 1998).

Very confusing paragraph. What is the main point? And how does it lead into the next paragraph?

The framework (what framework?) suggests that emotions experienced in organizational contexts roughly fita cyclical framework. Fiebig and Kramer (1998) postulate further that organizational role and relational expectations, as well as personal expectations, develop through socialization into society and organizations. Organizational events serve as catalysts of emotions when they indicate discrepancies with expectations, either by advancing or impeding the rate of movement towards goals). Awareness of physiological arousal and cognitive appraisals, determined in part by organizational culture, are associated with felt emotions). Emotional management decisions to express or disguise felt emotions can be made based on individual and organizational norms. Then people either communicate the felt emotions or disguise them through behaviours. Future expectations are changed or reinforced, thus affecting emotion experiences

Fiebig and Kramer (1998) emphasize that although the framework suggests a somewhat linear process, the elements often occur simultaneously or instantaneously. Emotions are often so fast and sloppy that individuals may respond to events without thought or emotion management decisions (Goleman, 1995). Individuals may move directly from expectations to emotion management, thereby limiting arousal and felt emotions (Hochschld, 1983). Individuals lacking energy to manage emotions may move from catalytic events to communications behaviours without emotion management decisions (Fiebig and Kramer, 1998).

This is a paragraph of an example of simply a string of thoughts by different authors with no thread connecting these thoughts, and so no indication of their relevance to the paper and the study, or to your own assessment of them.

In their 1998 study, Fiebig and Kramer found that respondents (what were they responding to?) were significantly more likely to express positive emotions than negative emotions. Expressing positive emotions frequently led to more open communication. Personal satisfaction sometimes resulted from expressing positive emotions and was seen as improving communication and self-assessment We already know that these are the authors you are referring to.The study found that individuals occasionally disguise positive emotions (e.g., satisfaction or happiness) to avoid appearing arrogant

Disguising negative emotions also sometimes led to more open communication). Some of the negative impacts of repressing negative felt emotions included hostility or self-degradation,). And psychological detachment from the other party or team. Overall, disguising negative emotion seemed most often to lead to deterioration in individuals' relationships, reevaluation of others, or a routinization of behaviours The research suggests that both positive emotions and situations requiring emotion management occur more frequently than negative emotions. They postulate that closer examination of positive emotions is needed because the frequency of positive emotion experiences may relate to attitudes such as commitment and satisfaction

Individual differences in Emotion

The existence of individual differences in emotion, especially in terms of broad positive affect and negative affect dimensions, is extensively documented in both correlational (Watson, 2000) and experimental (Larsen and Ketelaar, 1991) research. An important question is where these individual differences come from and what their nature is (whose question is this? Yours or Larsen's? If it is yours then why refer to Larson? If it is larsen's then what is the point of stating it here?)Larsen (2000). Larsen (2000) proposes a simple but useful way to think about the origin and nature of individual differences in emotion. This view of individual differences can be expressed using the familiar stimulus-organism-response (S-O-R) model presented below in Figure 2. This model is useful because it cleaves an emotional response into two component sub-processes: the stimulus-input side and the response output side. In terms of trait emotion, individuals may differ from each other because of differences in sensitivity to the stimulus or because of differences in the amount of response output (or both)

This distinction between stimulus sensitivity and response modulation is useful precisely because different personality factors may influence these two component processes independently (Larsen, 2000). A useful way to interpret the model, is that certain personality characteristics affect the input side by moderating sensitivity to specific hedonic stimuli, such that the same stimulus will be experienced differently by different people. On the output side, other personality characteristics may mediate emotion responses by influencing if, how, and when emotions are expressed is this, for example, directly quoted from his text? Sounds like it. Then it needs to be put in inverted commas and reported as a quote

Figure 2 is illustrated on the next page.again figures are not appropriate for a literature review.

Larsen (2000) postulates that for Organizational Psychologists interested in emotion, the distinction between sensitivity to input and control of response output can be heuristically as well as practically useful. This distinction allows the Organizational Psychologist on the one hand to think separately about which factors make a person vulnerable to specific emotions and the processes whereby such vulnerability is created (such as attention to emotion cues in the environment), and on the other, to think about the processes whereby some people come to control or self-regulate their emotions in the work environment The importance of this model is that it divides emotional individual differences into those that pertain to stimulus sensitivity (the input or S-O side) and those that pertain to response magnitude (the output or O-R side) Two important individual differences in emotional sensitivity (S-O) are the traits of extraversion and neuroticism. On the output, or O-R side of the model there is an emphasis on individual differences in behaviours that regulate or influence the magnitude of emotional responses (Larsen, Diener & Lucas, 2000).

Emotion States vs. Emotion Traits

Larsen (2000) postulates that emotions are typically thought of as states. This implies that emotions are temporary, are due primarily to causes outside the person, and have distinct onsets and offsets. Although emotions are fluctuating states, they nevertheless fluctuate around some mean or average for each person, and persons differ reliably from each other in their average level of various emotions can also be conceptualized as having an enduring trait-like component, that is due primarily to causes inside the person (such as personality), and that trait conception of emotion refers to the set point or expected value for each person on that emotion, other things being equal). Emotions are thus seen as hybrid phenomena, consisting of both trait and state components in addressing various questions

The distinction between state and trait emotion is important to the organizational researcher for four reasons (Larsen, 2000). First, emotion states can influence specific behaviours that may have important work implications, such as the relation between positive emotion states and creativity isn't the reference you are using to discuss this point of the four reasons Larsen, 2000? Then why include a different reference? How does this fit here?(Fredrickson, 2001 in Lord, Klimoski and Kanfer 2002). Organizational researchers may wish to understand how specific emotion states contribute to, moderate or mediate the effects of specific work behaviours, such as studying how negative emotions affect future expectations and how anxiety narrows the range of attention Second, with regard to emotional states, the other causal direction should also be considered, such as the influence of workplace behaviours and events on the emotional states of those on the job To the extent that emotional reactions on the job spill over into other areas of life, the emotional effects of the workplace may have wide-ranging implications. Third, organizational researchers should be aware that people bring emotional dispositions to the workplace; that is not everyone shows up in the same emotional state To the extent that emotional dispositions refer to the expected value of emotion for an individual, people are likely to have predictable emotional levels and reactions to events in the workplace where is the fourth?

You already said this at the beginning of the discussion.

Finally, states and traits can easily be confused, and thus organizational researchers need to be aware of the distinction (Larsen, 2000).

Emotion traits are receiving a good deal of attention from personality researchers, as well as from organizational psychologists interested in motivation and the biological bases of behaviour (Larsen, 2000). Why is this sentence here? What is it connected to? You need some follow up as to why it is here, perhaps how it makes your study significant.

EMOTION REGULATION IN THE WORKPLACE

This section reviews some of the literature on emotion regulation in the workplace.

Emotion Regulation what are the main points you want to bring out in this section? Jot those down and then make sure that you address each clearly and then make a connecting sentence or two to bring the points together in a smooth discussion. End with the relevance and application to what is in the literature to your study.

Gross (1999) defined emotion regulation as 'the ways individuals influence which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience or express these emotions'.(Pugh (2001) postulates that people regulate emotions through antecedent-focused coping, such as cognitively reappraising a situation, or response focused coping, such as repressing undesired affective states.

Research now shows that although the effects of antecedent and response focused coping may appear similar in terms of expressive behaviour, other effects may be quite different (Pugh, 2001).) Sentence not clear. Is this a further point of Pugh's research- about the effects of the different methods of regulation?

Then maybe sentences should be re-written: Pugh (2001) postulates that people regulate emotions through antecedent-focused coping, such as cognitively reappraising a situation, or response focused coping, such as repressing undesired affective states. He also showed that the effects of these two types of coping mechanisms are similar in some ways and different in others.

Specifically, Gross (1999) had participants view films of medical procedures designed to elicit feelings of disgust while being instructed to regulate their emotional responses either through reappraisal or suppression. He found that both reappraisal and suppression were successful in reducing expressive behaviour, but only reappraisal decreased subjective feelings of disgust. Furthermore, suppression, but not reappraisal, led to increased sympathetic nervous system activation (Other research by Gross and his colleagues supports the finding of suppression extracting physiological costs is this a different reference? Not same as Gross 1999?

Gross (1999) extended his research by demonstrating that in addition to physiological costs, suppression has cognitive costs as well.)

The sentences can be re-written as: Gross and his colleagues (1999) showed that suppression has physiological as well as cognitive costs. In two experimentshe found that suppressing the expression of emotion impairs memory performance on a concurrent task. Later, he replicated and extended these findings by showing that when comparing suppression with reappraisal, only suppression hurts memory performance (2000). He concluded that suppression consumes greater resources than does reappraisal. As a result, fewer cognitive resources are available for the concurrent memory task resulting in impaired performance