Refugees in Canada Conflict Social Analysis

¶ … Refugee? The term 'refugee' as defined under the UN Convention for Refugees, 1951 is applied to determine permissibility for entering other nations (Jupp, 2003). According to the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) (UNHCR, 2004), the word refugee refers to an individual, who, because of a justifiable fear of persecution on grounds of race, nationality, religion, political views, or membership in any specific social group, moves out of his/her country of origin, and cannot or (because of fear) is not poised to take advantage of home country protection.

Refugees in Canada Historically, Canada is renowned all over the world for instituting a pluralistic structure, as well as officially passing policies endorsing multiculturalism; the country's population has risen in terms of both number and cultural diversity owing to an inflow of migrants, recently (Winston, n.d.). As per a census report for the year 2006, Canada's overall population comprises 19.8% residents of foreign origin, hailing from more than 200 nations (Fleras, 2012: 261). Citizens, overall, generally portray acceptance of immigrants, viewing immigration as being a positive aspect for the country (Winston, n.d.).

The reason for this public opinion regarding immigration was discovered via a survey conducted in 2010; the survey revealed that immigrant labor market brought economic benefits. Further, several migrants were successful in fitting seamlessly into society in Canada (Fleras, 2012: 258).

Recently, however there have been drastic modifications in immigration-related Canadian policies and discussions, generating intense political conflicts regarding immigration system efficacy and regulation; the segments of refugees and migrant workers are fiercely contested (Winston, n.d.) Theoretical Terminology and Concepts Conflict theory views society in the form of an unbalanced, multifaceted site wherein opposing but disproportionate groups are eternally fighting over limited, valuable resources (Fleras, 2012: 20). Winston states that conflict theory comprises two streams, namely feminist and Marxist, with class being the major concept of the latter component (Winston, n.d.).

Advocates of the Marxist school perceive society to be a place of regular exploitation, with the dominant class ruling over those with lower status (i.e., working class). A scrutiny and evaluation of economic forces characteristic to exploitation, as well as profit-flow management techniques, lie at the heart of conflict theory which, over time, has undergone trivial re-conceptualizations, making people appear as active, instead of passive, subjects striving against the societal power structure.

While the feminist outlook to conflict theory also perceives societal inequity and power forces at work (Winston, n.d.), theoreticians belonging to the feminist school contend that male domination (patriarchy) is not a normal or natural thing (Fleras, 2012: 21). That is, the basis of the feminist branch of conflict theory is gender-roles wherein male privileges and interests are given precedence (Winston, n.d.). Several other models apart from conflict theory, pertaining to race, will be described and applied in this analysis (Winston, n.d.): 1. Attitudes: discrimination, Islamophobia, Eurocentrism, and 1.

Actions: racial profiling, hegemony, segregation. Race denotes a biologically-grounded societal construct encompassing grouping of individuals into hierarchical classes based on genuine or illusory qualities (Fleras, 2012: 389). This definition is the key to understanding the concepts of racialization and racism (racial/race-in-action processes). The chief issue that must be realized is that both factual and imaginary racial characteristics affect society in a very "real" way (Winston, n.d.).

Discrimination is the foremost example (and debatably, definition) of this, arising from specific outlooks or preconceptions which, deliberately or otherwise, negatively impact individuals by excepting or denying someone something, owing to their identity (Fleras, 2012: 382). Another major concept, Eurocentrism can be explained as: considering European methods and philosophies as morally superior, thereby being the standard / norm (Winston, n.d; Fleras, 2012: 389). This attitude does not limit itself to the geographic territory of Europe; in fact, it broadly promotes Caucasian or "White" ideas and principles.

One form of Eurocentrism is Islamophobia, (fear of Islam), wherein Muslims are racialized, and viewed as security threats and obstacles to integration (Winston, n.d.; Fleras, 2012: 386). Winston claims that attitudes generate racist actions. Hegemony refers to the act of altering the views of a person without his/her knowledge (Winston, n.d.). Hegemony enables people in positions of authority to acquire control and obtain people's cooperation without coercion (Fleras, 2012: 384). One example is segregation, which denotes the practice and system of grouping individuals based on ethnicity/race (Fleras, 2012: 390).

It can be both intentional and forced; in this context, we will assume segregation to be third-party mandated (Winston, n.d.). Lastly, racial profiling signifies inequitable acts by people in positions of power (particularly in the law enforcement/security field) hinging on racial stereotypes for negative targeting of members of a racial group (Fleras, 2012: 389; Winston, n.d.). Refugees: Hidden and Abused Asylum Seekers Canada is famous for humanitarian activities in times of global refugee crises.

The country has been liberal in its refugee policies, a fact praised by some and regarded by others as a weakness in Canada's outlook, to be exploited (Winston, n.d.). People against the Canadian refugee system, claim the nation's refugee applicant rate to be 6 times the global standard (Fleras, 2012: 290); undocumented refugees unexpectedly entering the country via airplane, seaways or roadways are the cause for this figure (Fleras, 2012: 274). Such immigrants are not aided like those who are sponsored, unless the government recognizes them as permanent residents.

They are denied essential fundamental rights, because of status discrimination (i.e. the status the government accords them on entering the country); contrary to sponsored refugees entering Canada through the same means (Winston, n.d.). Winston believes the Canadian refugee system may also be termed as extremely 'racialized'. For instance, 59% government-aided European refugees entered Canada in 1998, as against merely 12% African refugees (No One is Illegal: 2013), a palpable case of 'Eurocentrism', as it projects that the Canadian government probably feels.