Role of the Arab League in Resolving Crisis in Yemen 1948-2007

¶ … ancient history of Yemen is filled with conflict and countless examples of conflict resolution, some successful but many disastrously unsuccessful. The country has been divided and reformed, the subject of colonization, the victim of several complete governmental takeovers and last but not least the victim of bloody civil war, in both North and South Yemen's as they were then recognized and in a unified Yemen, associated with an Arab League sponsored reunification and peace treaty. In this process of nation building and strife at least since its inception the Arab League, and most notably its moderate modern conception has been a foundational aspect of conflict resolution in Yemen, as well as many other Middle East and North African nations. The conflicts in Yemen, arising from a historically challenged social and political network are frequently addressed by the Arab League in an attempt to make the international community understand the unsuspecting role it may play in the growth of Islamic extremism, as a result of political and economic instability.

Economic conditions in Yemen have gone from bad to worse in recent years. Economic growth is not keeping up with the rise in population. The population growth rate is estimated to be as high as 3.6% annually, while the economic growth rate fell below 3.6% last year and might not exceed 3.3% in 2004.Forty-two percent of the Yemenis live in poverty, and it is estimated that as many as 40% of the Yemenis are out of work. Earlier this year, the Arab League reported that Yemen remains the poorest country in the Middle East, with average income per capita at $508 a year."

The nation is arguably still very much in turmoil and the Arab League continues to advocate in its name, as it welcomes conversations and communications with other international peace organizations and governments to rally behind Yemen to foster stabilization of the region. This work will discuss the different roles, over time that the Arab League has had in the resolution of conflict in Yemen almost from its inception as a regional force, 1948 to the current.

About the Arab League

The formation of the Arab League, was cemented with a meeting of seven nations, who all signed a pact, in Cairo Egypt on March 22, 1945. The seven founding nations of the Arab League were Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Transjordan, and Yemen. In the time since this founding date the League, just like many other organizations in the region has had many sets of goals, ranging from the most extreme, creating a pan-Arabic nation from all the states in the region to its more modern and moderate take, respecting the governance and borders of all nations while trying to keep the region stable and free of conflict. According to literature about the Arab League its original purpose was to create a confederation of states that would attempt to ensure the political and economic stability of the whole of the region.

The general purpose of the loose confederation was the political and economic stability of the Arab world. A central council was to handle the affairs of the group with each member state having one vote. A secretariat was established in Cairo and 'Abd-al-Rahman' Azzam, an Egyptian, was appointed its first secretary general.

The Arab League, despite its many ups and downs has remained a relatively constant force for change in the Middle East and as its goals are frequently similar to other international organizations, even Western ones it is frequently called upon to help conduct talks and facilitate stability in the region. One of its most vital functions is to serve as a research organization, to make the Arab world and the broader international community more knowledgeable of the circumstances being faced by other Arab nations, such as Yemen and other troubled states in the region as well as how Arab cultural enclaves fair in other nations.

According to the sources the Arab League had a difficult time achieving cohesion and early success as a result of divergent interests among nations but became more successful through growth and moderation, as it came together to level out its mission and make it more inclusive of new nation members and less restricted to one vocal nation state's desires, namely Egypt. "...as Arab nations gained their independence. Libya joined in 1953, followed by Sudan (1956), Morocco and Tunisia (1958), Kuwait (1961), Algeria (1962) and the People's Republic of South Yemen (1968)...." Another cementing force in the Arab League has been the countless times that the league has devoted time and resources through collective member nations to fight for common causes, such as the occupation of Palestine by Israel. In 1948 the League led forces into the Israeli war of Independence, fighting against Israel and the showing again divided the organization but cemented a cohesive social and political cause for the region. Subsequent periods of the League's history reflect the diversity of the regions nation states, despite inclusion as members as well as divergent political ideologies and plans for the region, on the part of those same nations' governments. In short, the League overcame a great deal of conflict to remain a voice in the region, and this is in part due to its successful interventions in Yemen to restore order there during many conflicts.

It is clear though, that the Arab League has not always been successful in its bids to stabilize, even in Yemen as it took many years for the organization to develop accord over the Yemeni Civil war.

When civil war broke out in Yemen in 1962, the League proved helpless to stop it or to prevent its members (Saudi Arabia and Egypt) from becoming individually involved. Numerous summit conferences were called, but after 1969, these meetings were postponed more often than held. By the end of 1967, Arab leaders around the world were openly critical of the League for its lack of effective leadership during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. In areas of lesser importance, such as Arab studies in the humanities and some of its economic planning, the League was more effective.

The League had in many ways become a force for change on a much less political scale, over its many years of trying often unsuccessfully to impress upon its member nations their similarities rather than their vast political differences. Yet the cause of Yemen never left the organization's agendas and they as a group watched and waited for the correct time to intervene during the different situations of strife there. "In 1972, the League was able to conclude a cease-fire between the two Yemens.... On 2 July 1978, the League voted to boycott South Yemen and its newly established pro-Marxist government." more detailed look at the split between North and South Yemen can be seen through a detailed account of the nation's divergent factions.

Front for the Liberation of South Yemen (FLOSY).On 26 September 1972, South Yemen rebels belonging to FLOSY supported by members of the South Arab League and tribesmen from North Yemen (San'a) attacked al-Dali (Dhala) on the North Yemen-South Yemen border. FLOSY had been banned in the Marxist People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen) (PDRY). The September attack led to a general border war between the PDRY and the Yemen"

North Yemen on the other hand had differing political and social goals, than did the Marxist regime of the south. "Arab Republic (North Yemen). By November an Arab League mediation council was able to end the fighting (13 October) and to reach a union agreement between the two Yemens (28 November)."

One of the most important factors in the discussion of Yemen and the influence of the Arab League over the years is that for the majority of Yemeni history Yemen was divided, as a result of internal and colonial interests, between the North and South and to a large degree each of the two had separate social and political histories, as well as a divergent history with regard to the influence of the League in conflict and resolution. Yet, as a testament of action the ultimate goal, regardless of the differing histories, on the part of the Arab League was unification, which was almost achieved, and then achieved and dissolved and eventually, again with the assistance of the League achieved again, and this time hopefully to stay.

Yemen Itself

Yemen as a founding member of the Arab League has evolved with it, just as it has evolved as a nation. The nation has a conflict ridden history, already touched upon in earlier statements but more easily understood in the form of this country profile in An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Conflict and Conflict Resolution, 1945-1996. In many ways the modern history of Yemen can be seen as an overlapping or interlacing history of the evolution of the Arab League, through its various incarnations and from its subverted political control by varied national interest to an independent organization that has the whole of the diverse region in mind while making decisions.

In the south it is important to remember that the League did not always have influence but it tried to do so without ceasing, frequently depending upon its own internal evolutionary strife and who its power brokers were at any given time.

Intermittent clashes took place along the frontier in 1954. The leader of the north (San'a) signed a tripartite military alliance with Saudi Arabia and Egypt on 24 April 1956 (Jidda Pact) and, in 1958, federated with the United Arab Republic (the federation was called the United Arab States). These arrangements were dissolved in 1961. San'a also claimed South Yemen (Aden). When the treaty was broken, a long period of Egyptian-supported subversion began in San'a. [as a direct result of Arab League influence by the Egyptians] The San'a leader, Ahmed (qv) (Imam Seif al-Islam Ahmad), [backed by the Arab League] who took power in 1948, died in 1962 and was replaced by his son, Crown Prince Mohammed al-Badr (qv). Nine days later (27 September), a revolution began in which imam Mohammed was killed in the shelling of his palace. A trusted aide, who had led the revolt, Abdullah al-Sallal, took power and proclaimed the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR). It soon became apparent that Egyptian influence was behind the coup and the construction of the new Yemeni government. [again as a result of the Egyptian influence over the Arab League] Communist states flocked to recognize the YAR, and later the U.S. joined in granting recogition. Royalist forces that reached the mountains joined with the local tribesmen, and civil war ensued. On 28 March 1964, in retaliation for an attack on Saudi Arabian positions in South Yemen, British aircraft attacked and destroyed a North Yemeni fortification. By 1965, a procommunist government had been installed in North Yemen. Over 60,000 Egyptian troops were reported in the country. On 24 August 1965, a cease-fire was arranged between all of the warring factions.[in part as a result of Arab League intervention] This was the third such arrangement in two years. During June 1967, Egypt began withdrawing substantial numbers of its troops deployed in North Yemen. On 24 August 1967, Egypt and Saudi Arabia agreed to stop the fighting in Yemen. Also, in 1967, South Yemen, formed out of Aden and the protectorate, won its independence from Great Britain.

To be fair, it is important again here to remind the reader of the fact that for all intents and purposes and for a significant portion of the history of Yemen, Yemen has been divided into two nations, sometimes called Yemen and other times going by monikers that reflect the affiliation of the nation and its leaders. One very important factor that the two nations have in common and have, since its inception is the League of nations and its overarching desire to see the two nations reunited and stable, politically and economically, for many reasons, some political and some cultural.

Meanwhile, back in North Yemen, a bloodless coup took place on 5 November 1967. Peace talks, [conducted by the League] which began on 12 January 1968, broke down on 19 January. Fighting continued in North Yemen between republican and royalist forces. On 6 September 1969, republican forces captured the last royalist stronghold at Sa'dah. In November 1969, a series of border clashes occurred near the Al Wadeiah oasis on the North Yemen-Saudi Arabian border. In December, Saudi Arabia resumed its military support to the royalist forces in North Yemen. On 13-14 January 1970, republican forces attacked the Saudi border town of Nahuga. Saudi forces immediately retaliated by attacking a rebel-held border post. A peace treaty was signed in North Yemen in April 1970. North and South Yemen signed a peace agreement that also pledged reunification within one year on 28 October 1972. [again as a result of Arab League involvement] Also in 1972 the South Yemen, the only Marxist government in the Arab world, took the name People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and continued its conflict with neighboring Oman, while North Yemen turned toward Saudi Arabia and the West for support. On 13 June 1974, a military coup took place in North Yemen that placed Colonel Ibrahim al-Hamidi (qv) in power. He was assassinated in 1977. In 1979, South Yemen signed a 20-year friendship treaty with the U.S.S.R. that allowed Soviet troops to be stationed on its territory. Since 1967, more than 300,000 South Yemenites had fled into North Yemen. Numerous border clashes between north and south occurred during the period before an Arab League-sponsored agreement aiming toward unification was signed by the two countries on 29 March 1979.

From this point forward, as the literature points out, and though it took almost twenty years to be realized in any real significant way, the Arab League had been successful in creating a dialogue of unification, that eventually led to de facto unification in the nation. Without the influence of this organization, the nation would probably today be divided still. The varied political interests, Arab and western continued throughout Yemeni history to divide and conquer the two Yemen's over and over again and the influence of the League, at times itself even divided by individual state interests, remained constant in its struggle to unite Yemen and make it an active and stable nation. Even today the organization continues to do so.

The concept of unification was thereafter discussed, even though South Yemen continued support of North Yemeni rebels (1982) and sporadic fighting continued, along the common border between North Yemen and rebel forces. In 1984, South Yemen recognized Oman for the first time in 20 years and began the task of reestablishing its relations with Great Britain, its former colonial master. North Yemen's border with Saudi Arabia became the site of a border clash when Yemeni border forces attempted to set up two customs checkpoints on what Saudi Arabia claimed as its territory. A very violent coup (estimated casualties as high as 10,000) overthrew the government of South Yemen's president, Ali Nasir Muhammad Husani, on 24 January 1986. Muhammad fled to Egypt, and a new Yemen Socialist Party government was put in place....In the worst clash since 1975, South Yemen and Omani forces fought a pitched battle along their common border on 11 October 1987. Eight Yemeni troops were killed, and only diplomatic intervention helped prevent a full-scale confrontation, In December of that year, former president Muhammad Husani was tried in absentia and sentenced to death. South Yemen restored diplomatic relations with Egypt in 1988. The two countries formally united on 21 May 1990.

The internal and external strife, regarding unification as well as varied and diverse political partnerships and positions and internal fundamental historical and faith organization conflict delayed the realization of the 1990 unification for another four years, and real political change, reflected in a parliamentary election did not occur until 1997.

When Iraq invaded Kuwait in August 1990, Yemen's stand was pro-Iraqi, and it voted against the UN order for Iraq to withdraw.[while the Arab League partnered with the UN] Already in 1991, the effects of Yemen's position on Iraq began to be felt economically and in other ways. For instance, nearly one million Yemenis were forced to leave Saudi Arabia with an approximate loss of about $7 billion in wages. The U.S. cut more than $20 million in aid. Only the PLO showed support for Yemen during this period. A period of internal violence followed (1992), which forced Yemen to postpone scheduled elections. Bombings and other attacks on leading politicians began in April 1992 by terrorists assumed to be backed by northern extremist groups. When Yemen accused Saudi Arabia of involvement in the affair, the Saudis revoked over three-quarters of a million Yemeni work permits and cut all aid and assistance to Yemen. Thirteen were killed in the ensuing rioting in Yemen (December 1992). Yemen did, however, reach a border demarcation agreement with Oman in October. [at the urging of the league]The situation became even more weird when the Yemeni vice president indicated (August 1993) that he was informed in the U.S. Of a threat on his life if he attended certain meetings in San'a. The prime minister supported him and demanded better security and a removal of the conditions causing the violence. By that point, nearly 150 Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP) members had been murdered.

Sadly it would take yet another bloody civil war to create a situation that was amiable for the development of any form of representative government, in the form of parliamentary elections in 1997.

By 5 May 1994, a civil war had broken out between the north and the south. On 21 May, the YSP with support from the Sons of Yemen League declared a secessionist state. Heavy fighting continued. The UN denounced the north (1 June), while the south was supplied with sophisticated ex-Soviet fighters by Moldava. By mid-July, the north had all but won the war and a reconciliation plan was adopted to restore the country. While YSP members were being replaced in government, their replacements were largely Islamic fundamentalists with a different agenda. By 1995, the armed forces of north and south had been integrated without undue incident as the country moved slowly toward complete integration. However, clashes along the Saudi Arabian border occurred throughout 1995 despite the signing of an agreement between the two countries that should have obviated such incidents. Yemen also experienced difficulties with Eritrea over alleged encroachment on Red Sea islands claimed by Yemen.

The struggle in Yemen continues as social and economic depravity is by some experts the prime developmental location for fundamentalist sects and terrorist training centers.

Yemen, Terrorism and the Arab League Today

Were there is unrest and an inability to sustain one's life through work there is frequently a sense of the need to find a better way. The ideologies of terrorism, such as those of Al-Qaeda, for many become that "better way" and prior to the development of anti-Western/American and Israel portions of the ideology it lulls the follower into a sense of fundamental change that embraces "the way" of Allah. The ideology builds upon the situation of fundamental economic and social conflict as a source of a bold example of the dangers of the long felt influence of non-Islamic influences. The ideology then goes on to unify followers and potential followers to the idea of a common enemy and lastly to declare Jihad (Holy War) against those common enemies. The history of Yemen, with its constant political and social strife, more often than not as a result of outside influences and differing political goals, is in many way one of the best Middle Eastern examples of just what the fundamentalists are talking about. Regardless the western disagreement with this culpability Yemen can clearly serve as an example of the degradation caused by political extremism on so many fronts.

Divergent formulations or resolution enter into the international goal of eradicating terrorism daily, though the most essential ideologies, are those that stress stability and most importantly individual economic stability, for when a nation is populated with people seeking to eek out an existence that does not offer greater economic growth or even sustainability those individuals will be eternally seeking solutions and revolution, in this case in the form of jihad can and often does seem like the most logical solution.

The Arab League as well as other international organizations such as the World Bank and the United Nations as well as many more stable nations collectively understand this principle, even though not all nations and organizations use tactics that do not bolster the number of examples of outside influence corrupting independence in Islamic nations.

On March 28, 2002, the Arab League proposed a political settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the same time, the Arabs warned of the danger an invasion of Iraq would pose to the region and, indeed, to the world. The League unanimously declared that an attack on Iraq would be considered an attack against all Arab states. Without support from the Arab countries, it would be difficult for the United States to mount an invasion of Iraq, as neither Saudi Arabia nor Kuwait will allow themselves to be used as bases for U.S. troops. The killing of Iraqis would result in even more virulent anti-American sentiment in the Arab world. If Iraq responded by attacking Israel, a world war pitting all Arab states against Israel and its supporters might well erupt. Thousands of American soldiers would be killed, which is precisely what ex-President George H.W. Bush sought to avoid when he stopped short of Baghdad in 1991. John Nichol, of the British Royal Air Force, who was an Iraqi prisoner-of-war during the Gulf War, says "the death toll would have been massive" if the Western forces had marched into Baghdad to capture Saddam Hussein. (43)