Saudi Arabia The Impact of Gender Differences on Social Performance

The Impact of Gender Differences on Social Performance in Saudi Arabia: A Mixed-Method Empirical Study

Abstract

Today, the citizens of the oil-rich Kingdom of Saudi Arabia enjoy numerous benefits, including a wide range of social services that make the country the envy of its neighbors and much of the rest of the world. Nevertheless, as the custodian of two of Islam’s most important pilgrimage sites and a population that is comprised of a majority of Islamic adherents, Saudi Arabia is also faced with numerous challenges in its efforts to promote a gender-neutral society that offers both sexes equal opportunities in employment, housing, and other quality of life factors. The purpose of this mixed-methods empirical study is to provide a current snapshot of the impact of gender differences on social performance, drawing on quantitative and qualitative sources and identifying opportunities for helping the Kingdom achieve its ambitious Vision 2030 goals. The results indicate how patriarchal societal norms and practices in Saudi Arabia affect the social performance of Saudi women. According to the results, the interpretation of Islamic laws shows how gender differences have affected women’s lives in Saudi Arabia. It has further examined the performance levels of female physicians in health facilities where women were denied an opportunity to work areas of surgery and consultancy in 1975, which was an issue that was to be addressed.

Key Words: Gender, Social Performance, Mixed Methods, Saudi Arabia

Introduction

Gender differences is an area that has received increasing interest from researchers in the whole world. The Arab countries have, however, been understudied because of the high populations; hence it has been difficult to carry out research. Hence there is little literature about this study according to the previous literature on the same. Saudi Arabia, in our case, has a population exceeding twenty-eight million, and it has been known for the significant gender gaps, especially in workplaces (Tajpour et al., 2021). While the Kingdom has made significant progress in eliminating gender-related inequalities in employment opportunities, especially for young people, much of the larger Saudi society remains firmly mired in ancient practices that continue to place girls and women at a disadvantage (Tajpour et al., 2021). The purpose of this mixed-methods empirical study using qualitative and quantitative data is to provide a critical review of the relevant literature to determine the impact of gender differences on social performance using the research design described below. The structure of this manuscript is in the following order; Title, Abstract, Introduction, Methodology, Background, Results, Discussion, and Conclusion.

Research design

For this study, social performance was defined as “the effective translation of an institution’s mission into practice in line with accepted social values” (Doshmanli et al., 2018). In other words, social performance is about making any organization’s social mission a reality, whatever that mission may be at a given point in time. Therefore, for this empirical study, social performance was conceptualized as applying to Saudi Arabia’s current efforts to eliminate gender inequalities in its larger society and its workplaces and public spaces.

Social science researchers have several strategies within the two main paradigms of qualitative and quantitative research. Based on the need to develop a current “snapshot” of the status of women in Saudi Arabia, a mixed-methods approach that combined both quantitative and qualitative data was regarded as the optimal strategy. This selection is supported by the guidance provided by Cleland and Durning (2015), who advises:

The underlying premise of the [mixed methods] paradigm is that knowledge aims to describe the phenomena we experience and can observe and measure. The premise of qualitative research is subjectivity. Mixed?methods research is a flexible approach, where the research design is determined by what we want to find out rather than by any predetermined epistemological position. (p. 37)

The quantitative data collected for this study consisted of demographic data in general and gender-specific data to identify the current status of men and women in Saudi Arabia. Conversely, the qualitative data used for this mixed-methods analysis consisted of relevant text-based peer-reviewed and government studies published in the English language concerning the gender-related issues of interest, emphasizing the most recent research available. The mixed-methods review begins with a brief demographic overview of Saudi society and culture below.

Brief demographic overview of Saudi society and culture

A breakdown of relevant Saudi demographics shows that Saudi Arabia currently has a population of approximately 34.7 million people, divided between Arab and Afro-Asian ethnic groups (90% and 10%, respectively); it is essential to note, though, that immigrants comprise 38.3% of the total Saudi population. With between 85% and 90% of the Saudi people Sunni and another 10% to 15% Shia, the Kingdom is overwhelmingly Muslim in religious composition; however, other religions, including Eastern Orthodox, Protestant, Roman Catholic, Jewish, Hindu, Buddhist, and Sikh are also represented in much smaller percentages (Salamzadeh et al., 2018). It is also important to note that any religious faith involving the expression of religion inconsistent with the Saudi government’s interpretation of Sunni Islam is prohibited. Non-muslims are likewise prohibited from securing Saudi citizenship, and places of worship that are not Muslim are prohibited. Further, Saudi Arabia is a highly urbanized country, with fully 84.3% of its population living in urban areas.

Finally, the general Saudi population is highly literate at 95.3%, but there are some gender-related differences, with males having a 97.1% literacy rate compared to 92.7% for females. Conversely, women in Saudi Arabia have a life expectancy of 78.07 years compared to 76.4 years for Saudi men, but there are slightly more men than women. In sum, Saudi Arabia is a heavily urbanized, comparatively young country with a large population of youth that will require employment opportunities in the future. In addition, the Kingdom also has some modest gender-related differences, including slightly older and higher sex ratio and literacy rates for males. At the same time, female Saudis enjoy a few years longer life expectancy. Finally, there are 1.03 Saudi males for every Saudi female, a sizeable immigrant population, and little religious tolerance for non-Muslims in the Kingdom.

Next, Geert Hofstede’s cultural dimensions application to Saudi Arabia is depicted in Figure 1 and described narratively in Table 2 below.

Figure 1. Saudi Arabia’s scores on Hofstede’s cultural dimensions

Source: Hofstede (2021) at

As can be seen from the scores depicted in Figure 1 above, Saudi Arabia ranks highest in the power-distance and uncertainty avoidance dimensions, with a surprising intermediate score for masculinity; these and the other cultural dimensions propounded by Hofstede as applied to a Saudi context are described below.

1. Power-distance: This dimension deals with the fact that all individuals in societies are not equal – it expresses the culture’s attitude towards these inequalities amongst us. Power Distance is defined as the extent to which the less powerful members of institutions and organizations within a country expect and accept that power is distributed unequally. Saudi Arabia scores high on this dimension (score of 95), which means that people accept a hierarchical order where everybody has a place and needs no further justification. Hierarchy in an organization reflects inherent inequalities, centralization is popular, subordinates expect to be told what to do, and the ideal boss is a benevolent autocrat.

2. Individualism: The fundamental issue addressed by this dimension is the degree of interdependence a society maintains among its members. It has to do with whether people’s self-image is defined as “I” or “We.” In Individualist societies, people are supposed to look after themselves and their direct family only. In Collectivist societies, people belong to ‘in groups’ that take care of them for loyalty. Saudi Arabia, with a score of 25, is considered a collectivistic society. This manifests in a close long-term commitment to the member’ group’, be that a family, extended family, or extended relationships.

3. Masculinity: A high score (Masculine) on this dimension indicates that the society will be driven by competition, achievement, and success, with success being defined by the winner/best in the field – a value system that starts in school continues throughout organizational life. Saudi Arabia scores 60 on this dimension and is thus a Masculine society. In Masculine countries, people “live to work,” managers are expected to be decisive and assertive; the emphasis is on equity, competition, and performance, and conflicts are resolved by fighting them out (Hofstede, 2021, para. 2-3).

4. Uncertainty avoidance: The dimension Uncertainty Avoidance has to do with how a society deals with the fact that the future can never be known: should we try to control the future or just let it happen? This ambiguity brings anxiety, and different cultures have learned to deal with this anxiety in different ways. The extent to which the members of a culture feel threatened by ambiguous or unknown situations and have created beliefs and institutions that try to avoid these is reflected in the score on Uncertainty Avoidance. Saudi Arabia scores 80 on this dimension and thus has a preference for avoiding uncertainty. Countries exhibiting high Uncertainty Avoidance maintain rigid codes of belief and behavior and are intolerant of unorthodox behavior and ideas. In these cultures, there is an emotional need for rules (even if the rules never seem to work), time is money, people have an inner urge to be busy and work hard, precision and punctuality are the norms, innovation may be resisted, security is an essential element in individual motivation (Hofstede, 2021, para. 4-5).

5. Indulgence: One challenge that confronts humanity, now and in the past, is the degree to which small children are socialized. Without socialization, we do not become “human.” This dimension is defined as how people try to control their desires and impulses based on how they were raised. Relatively weak control is called “Indulgence,” and relatively strong control is called “Restraint.” Cultures can, therefore, be described as Indulgent or Restrained. Saudi Arabia’s intermediate score of 52 does not point to a clear preference on this dimension.

The high scores for uncertainty avoidance, in particular, represent a significant barrier to the adoption of more excellent gender-neutral laws and policies but taken together (Ziyae et al., 2021). Saudi society and culture are characterized by several gender-related factors that have affected the Kingdom’s ability to achieve its ambitious Vision 2030 goals to create a more egalitarian society where gender is no longer a constraint to meaningful employment or other social activities, as discussed further below.

Data Collection

Data collection involved interviews, but although among the women it was difficult, phone calls and emails were used for all the potential interviewers so that the objective could be achieved. This was also to the confidentiality of the responses. Although the sample sizes were small, the research was completed when saturation was achieved (Vuekovi, 2021). The interviews took around fifty minutes, and to encourage openness; there were no tape recorders; only notes were taken. Open-ended questions ensured the flow of information from the respondents and probing questions to maintain the primary purpose of this particular research.

This kind of analysis was helpful for this research, and every interview transcript was analyzed in two phases. The first step was to translate the findings to English and then to review them to ensure accuracy. This is how the data was formulated.

Current initiatives to eliminate gender-related inequities in Saudi Arabia

The Saudi Vision 2030 initiative represents the most recent effort by the Saudi government to diversify the Kingdom’s economy and develop its public health institutions, including education, health care, recreation, and tourism. One of the most visible signs of this initiative for many people in the West in general and those in the United States, in particular, has been Saudi Arabia’s recent “Howdy” campaign which encourages women to consider Saudi Arabia as a vacation destination even though Saudi women only gained the right to drive a car in 2018 (Brnjas & uki, 2018). The 2030 initiative also addresses the fundamental religious-based issues that currently confront the Kingdom and incredibly challenging enterprise given Saudi Arabia’s custodianship of two of Islam’s most sacred pilgrimage sites at Mecca and Medina. The main pillars of this initiative are set forth below.

Main pillars of the Saudi Vision 2030 initiative:

1. Pillar #1: Recognition of Saudi Arabia’s unique position within Islam. The first pillar of our vision is our status as the heart of the Arab and Islamic worlds. We recognize that Allah the Almighty has bestowed on our lands a gift more precious than oil. Our Kingdom is the Land of the Two Holy Mosques, the most sacred sites on earth, and the direction of the Kaaba (Qibla), to which more than a billion Muslims turn at prayer.

1. Pillar #2: Promote the Kingdom as a global financial services hub. The second pillar of our vision is our determination to become a global investment powerhouse. Our nation holds strong investment capabilities, which we will harness to stimulate our economy and diversify our revenues.

1. Pillar #3: Promote the Kingdom as a regional and global transportation hub. The third pillar is transforming our unique strategic location into a global hub connecting three continents, Asia, Europe, and Africa. Our geographic position between key global waterways makes the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia an epicenter of trade and the gateway to the world vision.

The second and third pillars described above underscore the need for more excellent gender-neutral employment opportunities in a wide array of the Kingdom’s commercial sectors today and in the future.

While the Kingdom has made significant progress towards this end, several constraints will likely inhibit future progress. Conversely, there are also some positive signs at present and on the horizon that indicate that at least some of these constraints are under consideration for elimination or reform (Salamzadeh, 2020). For example, a series of positive reforms concerning the status of women in Saudi Arabia have been implemented since Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman assumed office in 2017. As noted above, one of the (Niki, & Mitrovic, 2015). The most significant of these initiatives was the Kingdom’s Vision 2030 program. This reform package is consistently cited as an example of the Kingdom’s commitment to women’s rights progress. A substantial portion of Vision 2030 promotes women’s greater participation in the Kingdom’s economic activities, including increased job mobility.

Furthermore, the Vision 2030 initiative also includes timely provisions for preventing workplace sexual harassment, pensions reforms, and specific workplace rights articulation. Moreover, despite a lengthy history of draconian laws relating to women based on its application of Sharia law, Saudi Arabia has succeeded in receiving recognition by The World Bank as one of the top women’s right to work reformers in 2020.

However, the Kingdom’s lengthy history of Sharia-based laws for women has also focused on a growing body of scholarship in recent years. For instance, the findings that emerged from a study by Syed and Hennekam (2018) underscore the inextricable relationship between macro-, meso- and micro-level factors that influence equal opportunities for women in Saudi Arabia (Redd, 2020). Including religion-cultural factors, the social power of wasta (loosely, business networks), the powerful concepts of female modesty and family honor, and other issues related to gender segregation, sexual discrimination, and workplace harassment. Moreover, Saudi women’s experiences in the social sphere and the workplace differ substantially based on their respective family status, social class, and other individual identity factors.

The findings from the Syed and Hennekam (2018) study were supported by a study that used a series of interviews to demonstrate how patriarchal societal norms and practices in Saudi Arabia are based on a specific interpretation of Islamic laws (Boufeldja, 2014). It is evident in Saudi workplaces in ways that adversely affect the social performance of Saudi women. These findings reinforce how gendered realities affect the live experiences of Saudi women today (Vuekovi et al., 2021). Likewise, a study examined gender equity in Saudi health care to evaluate the social performance levels of female physicians in Saudi health care facilities. Some interesting findings from the (Batrancea, et al., 2019) study concerned the fact women only entered the medical field in 1975 but that the respondents believed that there was general gender equity for female doctors in Saudi Arabia in all specialty areas except surgery and consultants, deficits these researchers concluded the need to be addressed.

There are some other positive signs that the Saudi leadership has made gender equity a priority. For example, in 2019, the government of Saudi Arabia stated that women could begin a career path towards higher officer ranks in the Kingdom’s armed forces. While women in Saudi Arabia have served in the armed forces in the past, this is the first time they will be considered for senior leadership ranks (Muhammadiyah & Nurlaela, 2021).In addition, a study by Neale (2021) determined that the Saudi government has also issued a ban on marriages in December 2019 that applied to everyone under the age of 18 years.

Progress is being made on several important fronts in Saudi Arabia today. However, as noted throughout, the Kingdom is still confronted with multiple religious and cultural factors that make it vitally important to proceed at a measured pace (Sarker, 2021). Still, some critics counter that far more needs to be done to make the country genuinely egalitarian in spirit and law (Redvers, 2019). Some of the more poignant factors include those outlined in Table 6 below. Still, it is also important to note that some of these factors have already been addressed in a de facto fashion (subject to approval by the appropriate ministry before becoming official kingdom law) or are currently in the planning stages (Eloubeidi, 2020), including the right for Saudi women to obtain a passport unilaterally (Saudi women are fighting for their freedom, 2019). Nevertheless, these reasons serve to underscore the recent and current environment in which the Kingdom is pursuing its Vision 2030 goals and what remains to be achieved for those goals to be fully realized, some of which are highlighted below.

Primary reasons for women leaving Saudi Arabia:

1. Limited freedom to travel or obtain a passport: Saudi Arabia places more restrictions on women’s movement than any other industrialized country today. Saudi women must obtain permission from a male guardian, which the Saudi Ministry of Interior enforces. In real-world settings, Saudi women are frequently prohibited from even leaving their homes without the permission of a male guardian, and those women who attempt to do so can be physically returned by court order. In addition, Saudi women were only granted the right to drive in 2018, and these limitations have translated into severe restrictions of the free movement of women throughout the Kingdom.

1. Limited freedom to choose marital partner: By limiting women’s ability to enter into marriage without a male guardian’s permission freely, Saudi Arabia limits women’s freedom. Moreover, Saudi men can marry up to four wives as young as 15 years old with court approval.

1. Domestic violence rates: Although not unique to Saudi Arabia, the Kingdom has an inordinately high domestic violence level. Although domestic violence by men against women was criminalized in 2013, there remains a lack of kingdom-wide implementation of these laws. Indeed, more than one-third (35%) of Saudi women are believed to have been the victim of domestic violence at some point in their lives. Still, male guardianship provisions prevent the collection of more accurate data and the prosecution of offenders.

1. Employment discrimination: Notwithstanding the significant progress that Saudi Arabia has made in recent years in leveling the employment playing field for women, there are still some severe restrictions for women seeking a professional career. For example, although the Saudi government does not enforce male guardianship restrictions of females seeking employment, it does not penalize public or private sector employers requiring such permission. Furthermore, women cannot pursue occupations such as drivers and judges, and there are strict gender-segregation requirements for employers hiring women.

1. Discrimination in the provision of healthcare services: Despite efforts to promote women’s autonomy in the provision of healthcare services by mandating that their consent should be adequate, the requirement for male guardian permission varies depending on the healthcare facility and, like employment discrimination, the Saudi government does not penalize healthcare organizations that do require the permission of male guardians to treat women.

1. Inequalities in divorce, child custody, and inheritance: At present, Saudi Arabia does not have any codified family laws, and the country’s Islamic law system severely restricts women’s right to divorce. Saudi men can divorce their wives without notice or knowledge, leaving it up to women to prove to courts that their husbands have divorced them. Moreover, women do not have the right to divorce unless they can prove cause such as mistreatment, and it is left up to a judge to make this determination. Finally, Saudi women have no legal rights to remain their children’s guardians after a divorce. In some cases, they are required to repay their entire dowry to secure a unilateral divorce decree.

1. Restrictions of transferring guardianship: In cases of severe abuse or mistreatment, Saudi women can request a transfer of male legal guardianship; however, the process is lengthy and expensive, and demonstrating sufficient proof is challenging.

1. Restrictions on leaving prisons and shelters: Women are only allowed to leave Saudi prisons or shelters if a male guardian is waiting to care for them after their release. If such guardians are unavailable or refuse, women are required to remain in custody until they can sort things out with their family or secure a new male guardian, typically through an arranged marriage.