This doctoral-level research examines how geographic location within Chicago influences academic achievement and college persistence among Black male adolescents. The study integrates qualitative interviews with school principals and students from three Chicago Public Schools across different city regions. Research focuses on identifying systemic factors that contribute to educational disparities and barriers to academic success.
This multi-chapter doctoral research demonstrates comprehensive qualitative methodology in examining complex educational issues. The study effectively combines personal professional experience with rigorous academic investigation of systemic educational inequities.
The research employs a mixed-methods approach that triangulates data from multiple sources - administrative interviews, student perspectives, and institutional data analysis. This methodology strengthens validity by examining the research problem from multiple angles while maintaining focus on the specific population of Black male adolescents in Chicago's diverse geographic contexts.
Introduction and researcher background -> Literature review on systemic challenges -> Geographic determinants analysis -> Qualitative interview findings -> [Gated: Policy recommendations and conclusions]
Geographic Determinants of Educational Attainment: Examining the Academic Trajectories of Black Male Adolescents in Chicago
This research study focuses on how the geographical location within Chicago influences academic and college persistence for Black male adolescents. This research integrates qualitative data from interviews conducted with school principals and Black male students from three Chicago Public Schools (CPS) (North: LHS South: CHS; West: CHS) aiming to explore systemic factors that contribute to these disparities.
Overview of the Study .....................................................................................................
Purpose Statement ..........................................................................................................
Guiding Research Questions ............................................................................................
Main Guiding Question ...............................................................................................
Sub-Questions ...........................................................................................................
Significance of the Study .............................................................................................
Importance of Addressing Educational Inequities ..............................................................
Relevance to Policy and Practice .....................................................................................
Rationale .....................................................................................................................
Justification for the Focus on Black Male Adolescents ......................................................
Researcher's Personal and Professional Motivation ..........................................................
Literature Review .........................................................................................................
Introduction: The Struggles of Black Males in and Outside of Schools ...............................
Systemic Challenges Faced by Black Students in the American Education System ..............
The Impact of Brown v. Board of Education on Black Education .....................................
The Educational Experience of Black Adolescents in Chicago .........................................
Focus on Black Male Adolescents in Chicago Schools .......................................................
The Role of Principals in Improving Educational Outcomes for Black Students in Chicago .....
My name is Timothy Faust, and I currently serve as an assistant principal within the Chicago Public Schools (CPS) system. Over the past 12 years, I’ve had the opportunity to work in various capacities across both the South and North sides of Chicago, providing me with a unique vantage point to observe the educational landscape of the city. Through this experience, I have become acutely aware of the stark inequities that disproportionately affect Black male adolescent students within CPS. This realization is deeply personal to me, as I have witnessed firsthand how these students, many of whom are filled with potential, often leave high school on divergent paths—paths shaped by a system that fails to support them equitably. Schools are a microcosm of society—school inequities only reflect broader ones that exist in society—past and present.
I want to investigate these inequities further because of my role as an educator and school leader, and because these issues are of urgent importance to the students and families we serve, as well as to society at large. The systemic inequities within CPS perpetuate cycles of poverty, limit opportunities for upward mobility, and widen the achievement gap between Black male adolescent students and their peers (Arnett, 2019).
Through this exploration of the underlying factors that contribute to this disparity, I want to shed light on how leadership within schools can help address these challenges. My goal is to be a voice for equitable educational outcomes for Black adolescent students.
Educational inequities in Chicago are stark, and they particularly affect Black male adolescents, who face disproportionate challenges in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods. The school system’s administrators know this themselves and report directly: “Our schools have been placed on a direct pipeline to the prison industrial complex” (Arnett, 2019, p. 49). In fact, there are not many options: “Chicago has lost close to 200,000 Black residents because of the lack of housing choices and schooling options” (Arnett, 2019, p. 48). And those schooling options that remain are unable to help: Among CPS students in the last decade, “25% finished high school with an average GPA of 1.51, a D average. Across all CPS graduates the average GPA was 2.36, a low C” (Farrington, 2014, p. 38).
Research highlights that these disparities are rooted in long-standing racial and economic segregation, which continues to shape the educational landscape in Chicago (Kozol, 2005; Lipman, 2011; Shedd, 2015; Todd-Breland, 2018; Wilson, 2012; Wilson, 2019). Chicago Public Schools' new funding model, which often incorporates a student-based budgeting framework, aims to allocate resources equitably by addressing the specific needs of each school based on student population characteristics. It has the potential to reduce disparities, but challenges like insufficient overall funding and varying implementation effectiveness can still perpetuate inequities. Therefore, to confirm the relevance of these disparities for the principals and students interviewed, it is important to gather qualitative data directly from their lived experiences. Then, by analyzing their narratives and cross-referencing them with existing research, it can be better seen whether the themes of racial and economic segregation, along with disparities in funding and resources, align with their realities. This study aims to explore perspectives of students and principals regarding factors such as economic resources, school funding, and neighborhood safety and their contribution to the inequitable educational outcomes of Black male adolescent students within CPS.
The Chicago Public Schools system provides a prime context for understanding these inequities because of its highly segregated and resource-stratified schools. Much like the social determinants of health that impact individuals' well-being, factors like economic resources, neighborhood environments, and school funding significantly influence the quality of education students receive (Anyon, 1997; Rothstein, 2013; Shedd, 2015; Todd-Breland, 2018; Wilson, 2012). Economic resources play a major role in shaping educational experiences, as schools with more funding have higher budgets from multiple sources--including parents and alumni are better equipped to provide educational materials, advanced technology, extracurricular opportunities, and access to highly qualified teaching staff (Darling-Hammond, 2010). In Chicago, as in many urban areas across the nation, school funding is often tied to local property taxes, leading to significant disparities between schools in affluent neighborhoods and those in low-income areas. For example, NLHS on the North Side benefits from higher levels of local funding due to its proximity to wealthier neighborhoods and business districts (Barrow et al., 2024). In contrast, Corliss High School on the South Side, situated in a lower-income area, receives less funding, which translates to fewer resources, outdated materials, and limited extracurricular activities (Owens, 2020). This disparity in funding reflects a national trend of inequitable school funding linked to local property taxes, exacerbating existing racial and economic inequalities (Baker & Corcoran, 2012).
Under CPS’s student-based budgeting model, funding is allocated on a per-student basis, with adjustments made for factors like poverty, English language learner status, and special education needs (Estevan, 2016). However, declining student enrollment—a persistent issue in many CPS schools, particularly those in low-income neighborhoods—has resulted in significant budget cuts. Schools with shrinking enrollments face a compounded problem: fewer students lead to reduced funding, further limiting resources and making it harder to attract and retain families, creating a cycle of under-enrollment and underfunding (Owens, 2020).
Needs assessments are intended to address these disparities by directing additional resources to schools with higher concentrations of at-risk students. For example, CPS has attempted to provide supplemental funding to schools in neighborhoods with greater socioeconomic challenges, yet the overall inadequacy of district-wide resources often limits the effectiveness of such measures (Hall et al., 2021). These cuts disproportionately affect schools like Corliss High School, where declining enrollment, combined with existing funding inequities, results in outdated facilities, understaffed programs, and reduced extracurricular opportunities, further exacerbating the disparities in educational outcomes. Conversely, schools like NLHS, with stable or growing enrollments in affluent areas, can leverage their budgets and external funding sources to maintain high-quality educational programs (Barrow et al., 2024).
Neighborhood safety further complicates the educational experiences of students in under-resourced schools. Research indicates that students in high-crime areas often face additional challenges, such as chronic absenteeism, heightened stress levels, and limited access to after-school programs—all of which contribute to widening achievement gaps (Sharkey, 2018). In the context of CPS, these factors create distinct educational environments within the same district, where students’ experiences vary drastically based on their geographic location and neighborhood conditions – despite being centrally funded by the district (CPS, 2024).
This study aims to explore the relationship if any between Chicago’s geographic distinctions and the educational outcomes of its Black male adolescent students, specifically within the Chicago Public Schools (CPS) District 299. It is focused on the experiences of others, their lives, their narratives, their feelings, their ideas, and their perspectives.
The focus on Black male adolescents is intentional, as research shows they face obstacles within the education system that are rooted in racial and economic disparities (Noguera, 2008; Howard, 2013). Black male adolescent students, in particular, are disproportionately affected by issues such as poverty, neighborhood violence, and under-resourced schools, which are linked to lower academic achievement and higher dropout rates compared to their peers (Ferguson, 2001). While adolescent Black females, families, and communities also experience systemic inequities, this study focuses on Black male adolescents due to their distinct vulnerability in education, supported by higher rates of disciplinary action, absenteeism, and disengagement (Howard, 2013). Furthermore, the study will also acknowledge the stories of those who succeed despite these odds, aiming to understand both barriers and resilience.
Chicago’s neighborhoods are sharply divided by economic, racial, social, political, and cultural lines, which directly affect the schools that serve these communities. Some areas are wealthier and better resourced, while others struggle with high crime rates, fewer community services, and limited access to quality education. Crime data and community safety statistics show how neighborhood violence and instability contribute to chronic absenteeism and heightened stress for students (Sharkey, 2018), while wealthier areas provide more stability and greater support structures for academic success. Sharkey (2018) shows that violence can have immediate and long-term effects on students' educational outcomes: “exposure to violence and violent victimization are associated with psychological symptoms related to stress and trauma and with negative outcomes related to physical and mental health, problem behaviors, academic performance and educational attainment, and cognitive development” (p. 93). Sharkey (2018) also notes that among CPS students, “in years when children were exposed to higher levels of violence they performed worse on standardized achievement tests in reading and math” (p. 97).
Though CPS collects city-wide taxes, including property taxes, and redistributes them across schools, other factors affect schools—including economic prosperity of surrounding neighborhoods (Baker & Corcoran, 2012; Lipman, 2012). As for school funds, the allocation within CPS is influenced by several factors, including student enrollment, specific student needs (such as special education or English language learning), and the presence of specialized programs like STEM or arts education (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). While schools with higher enrollment or unique programs may receive additional funding, this often fails to account for the broader inequities caused by geographical segregation.
This study examines three regions in Chicago—the North, South, and West sides—by focusing on three specific schools: NLHS, WCHS, and SCHS. These schools were selected due to their contrasting community conditions, ranging from affluence and perceived safety to economic disadvantage and higher crime rates. Moreover, some of these schools offer academic support programs like Pre-AP classes and Multi-Tiered Systems of Support (MTSS), while others may lack these resources, creating variations in Black male adolescent student achievement. This focus allows for an in-depth investigation of how funding, school resources, community safety, and neighborhood demographics directly affect the educational experiences of Black male adolescents in Chicago.
With a qualitative research approach, this study will gather insights through interviews with school principals and students. These interviews will uncover themes related to the impact of geographic distinctions—such as funding inequities, faculty qualifications, student socioeconomic status (SES), community engagement, and neighborhood safety—on the daily educational practices that shape Black male adolescent students' outcomes. The qualitative methodology allows for a deeper exploration of the lived experiences and personal perceptions of both educators and students, providing a nuanced understanding of how geography, beyond just funding, affects educational access and achievement.
The focus of this study is to better understand the academic experiences of Black males students that lead to their achievement or lack thereof. I am interested in the promises, pitfalls and possibilities of their lives. Understanding these disparities will help inform educators, policymakers, and community leaders about the importance of addressing geographic and systemic inequities in education.
Despite systemic barriers and inequities in education, Black boys and young Black men possess immense potential, resilience, and promise. They bring unique cultural knowledge, creativity, and leadership qualities that, when nurtured, can lead to remarkable achievements in academics, arts, sports, and entrepreneurship. Their lived experiences often cultivate resourcefulness, adaptability, and a deep commitment to community—qualities that can drive positive change when channeled effectively (Howard, 2013).
Community organizations, mentoring programs, and educators who believe in their capabilities have argued that providing targeted support can unleash the potential of Black male students. Programs such as My Brother’s Keeper and other localized initiatives in Chicago attempt to promote academic engagement, grow self-confidence, and develop leadership skills in the young. Others argue for the value of culturally relevant pedagogy and restorative justice practices in creating school environments where Blacks can thrive (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017).
The following data highlights the Black male student population and college persistence rates at three representative Chicago Public Schools, illustrating disparities in educational outcomes based on geographic location within the city:
North
South
West
This data underscores the stark contrasts in college persistence rates among Black male students in CPS. While students at NLHS demonstrate relatively high college persistence, their peers at SCHS face systemic challenges that lead to a 0% college persistence rate. WCHS occupies a middle ground, with significant room for improvement. These disparities highlight the urgent need for targeted interventions and equitable resource allocation to support Black male students across all regions.
1. What are the perspectives of school leaders on the academic/schooling life of their black male students?
2. Do school leaders provide any support programs—such as mentoring initiatives, academic interventions, and counseling services—or utilize certain strategies to assist Black male students?
3. What budgetary and institutional challenges, if any, do school leaders face given inequitable funding allocations across the district?
This question will explore how principals and in high-achieving and low-achieving schools address the challenges faced by Black male adolescent students. For example, I can interview principals from contrasting schools (e.g., NTSH vs. WCHS) to understand their leadership philosophies and the implementation of support programs aimed at Black male adolescents. It will also explore the perspective of Black male students to understand what they see themselves as going through.
The significance of this study lies in its focus on addressing the underachievement of Black male adolescent students within Chicago Public Schools (CPS). By conducting interviews with school principals from diverse geographic regions (North, South, and West sides), this research aims to uncover how school leaders perceive and experience institutional barriers such as budget constraints and inequitable funding that impact Black male students' academic experiences and outcomes. The perspective of Black male students will be considered as well based upon interviews conducted with them, too.
This study’s main emphasis on the role of school leadership offers valuable insights into how principals in both well-funded and underfunded schools respond to these challenges—whether through innovative strategies, policy advocacy, or community engagement. By shedding light on the systemic and localized factors influencing Black male student achievement, this research has the potential to inform educational policy. It may be able to inspire leadership practices that help develop equity and more insight into the intersection of race, gender, geography and education research. Ultimately, however, it seeks to advance understanding of how to create more inclusive and equitable school environments that enable all students to thrive academically and personally.
The hope of this study is that in understanding how geographic distinctions within the city influence resource distribution, leadership practices, and academic outcomes, this research will contribute to the understanding of interventions that genuinely reflect the needs of Black male adolescent students in various urban settings. These insights will be crucial in framing educational reforms that address both the school and neighborhood dynamics affecting student success.
The decision to utilize a qualitative approach in this study is driven by the need to explore complex social realities and capture rich, detailed data that is often inaccessible through quantitative methods. The educational experiences and outcomes of Black male adolescents in Chicago are influenced by a myriad of interrelated factors—including cultural, socioeconomic, and institutional dynamics—that vary significantly across different geographical areas. These factors cannot be fully understood through numerical data or statistical models alone, as they require a deeper exploration of lived experiences, perceptions, and the nuances of school environments.
Johnson and Christensen (2024) emphasize that qualitative research is essential when the goal is to understand the "why" and "how" behind particular phenomena, especially in educational settings where multiple, overlapping variables affect outcomes. Similarly, Kirby et al. (2006) emphasizes the strength of qualitative research in capturing the complexity of human experiences, noting that this approach is invaluable for studies that aim to explore issues related to inequality and marginalized groups. Galletta and Cross (2013) further support the use of qualitative methods in education, particularly through the use of semi-structured interviews, which allow for flexibility and deeper engagement with participants: essentially, “the semi-structured interview offers researchers a way to attend to lived experience and pursue questions from extant theory” (Galletta & Cross, 2013, p. 72). Galletta and Cross (2013) also note that qualitative interviews provide the opportunity for participants to share their experiences in a way that reveals the underlying structures and processes that shape their realities—and especially that semi-structured interviewing is a method that “is typically underutilized, yet it has remarkable potential” (p. 1).
With qualitative methods, this study will be able to delve into the specific opportunities and challenges faced by Black male adolescent students in Chicago Public Schools. Through interviews with principals, and an analysis of school reports, this research will generate valuable insights that can inform targeted interventions aimed at improving the educational experiences of Black male adolescents in urban settings.
By conducting semi-structured interviews and engaging in direct observation, this study focuses on how socioeconomic, cultural, and institutional factors across specific geographic areas of Chicago affect Black male adolescent students. This approach offers deep insights into the contextual factors influencing educational practices and Black male adolescent student outcomes. It is assumed that principals will be able to give an objective perspective on what they see going on with their students regarding this topic. To complement their views, however, this study will also be interviewing Black male students themselves so that their perspective can be captured and analyzed.
Black male adolescents in the U.S. face a unique set of challenges both in and outside of schools, which dramatically impact their educational experiences and life outcomes. Scholars such as Kunjufu (1986), Howard (2014), and Davis (2003) have extensively documented the myriad issues confronting Black boys, including systemic racism, economic disenfranchisement, and the criminalization of their behavior within the educational system. These challenges are exacerbated by external factors such as poverty, neighborhood violence, and unstable family structures, leading many Black male adolescents to disengage from school altogether.
The educational experience for Black male adolescents is marked by what Kunjufu calls the "conspiracy to destroy Black boys"—a system that seems structurally designed to undermine their success through low expectations, underfunded schools, and disproportionate disciplinary actions. Inside the classroom, Black boys are often marginalized, subject to harsher punishments, and less likely to be placed in advanced classes, which has long-term implications for their academic and career trajectories (Howard, 2013; Davis, 2003). Outside the classroom, Black male adolescents are often exposed to higher levels of community violence and poverty, which further complicates their educational engagement and success (Sharkey, 2018).
Despite these challenges, some Black male adolescents defy the odds, with the support of strong mentors, positive school environments, community, and personal resilience. Scholars like Hopkins (1997) and Hall (2006) argue that school leadership, particularly principals, plays a critical role in creating a culture that either empowers or fails Black male adolescent students. This review explores these issues in depth, emphasizing the educational experiences of Black male adolescents, the role of principals, and the broader context of educational disparities in Chicago.
Black students, particularly males, face entrenched challenges within the American education system. These include disproportionate suspensions and expulsions, limited access to advanced coursework, culturally relevant curriculum, and the pervasive underfunding of schools serving predominantly Black communities (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Howard, 2013). According to the U.S. Department of Education, Black students are three times more likely to be suspended or expelled than their White peers, and such punitive measures often begin as early as preschool (Civil Rights Data Collection, 2016). This pattern sets the stage for what many call the “school-to-prison pipeline,” where Black boys are funneled out of the classroom and into the criminal justice system (Kunjufu, 1986; Davis, 2003).
Moreover, the inequitable distribution of resources in schools with majority Black student populations exacerbates these disparities. Research by Kozol (2005) and Anyon (1997) demonstrates that schools in low-income, racially segregated neighborhoods have fewer educational resources, less experienced teachers, and outdated materials, which result in lower academic achievement. These systemic issues continue to hinder the educational progress of Black students nationwide, with Black male adolescents being the most severely affected.
The landmark Supreme Court case, Brown v. Board of Education (1954), sought to dismantle legalized racial segregation in American public schools. While the decision marked a significant victory in the Civil Rights Movement, the promise of equal educational opportunities has not been fully realized for Black students. In fact, many scholars argue that the integration that followed Brown has had mixed results, particularly for Black male adolescents (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Bell, 2004).
Although the case legally ended segregation, schools today remain highly segregated along racial and economic lines due to redlining, housing policies, and economic inequality (Rothstein, 2013). The educational quality in predominantly Black schools remains inferior, with large gaps in funding, academics, and resources compared to schools serving predominantly White, affluent students (Lipman, 2011). This has perpetuated the disparities that Brown v. Board of Education aimed to abolish.
Chicago has long been one of the most racially segregated cities in the United States, and this segregation is reflected in its public school system. Black adolescents in Chicago face an uphill battle when it comes to education due to the persistent racial and economic divides that shape their educational experiences (Lipman, 2011). Schools on Chicago’s South and West sides, which serve predominantly Black students, are chronically underfunded compared to schools on the more affluent North Side.
In addition to funding disparities, schools in these neighborhoods often struggle with overcrowded classrooms, teacher shortages, and limited extracurricular activities, all of which hinder student success. As a result, Black students in these areas are more likely to experience lower test scores, higher dropout rates, and fewer opportunities for college readiness compared to their White counterparts in wealthier areas (Owens, 2020). Moreover, many Black adolescents must navigate the external pressures of community violence, harsh living conditions, and economic instability, which further complicate their ability to focus on school (Sharkey, 2018).
For Black male adolescents in Chicago, the educational experience is even more fraught with challenges. Black males face higher rates of suspensions and expulsions, often for minor infractions, and are disproportionately placed in special education programs rather than advanced placement classes (Howard, 2013). The Illinois State Board of Education (2019) reports that Black male adolescents in CPS are nearly twice as likely to be suspended as Black females or White males, contributing to a significant achievement gap.
Kunjufu (1986) and Howard (2014) argue that the intersection of race, gender, and socioeconomic status places Black male adolescents in a uniquely vulnerable position. The negative stereotypes that follow Black male adolescents in the classroom often translate into lower teacher expectations and fewer academic opportunities. This is compounded by the lack of role models and mentors within schools, particularly for Black male adolescent students who are navigating the challenges of adolescence in neighborhoods with high rates of poverty and violence (Hopkins, 1997).
The role of school principals in shaping the educational experiences of Black male adolescent students cannot be overstated. Principals set the tone for the school culture and have significant influence over resource allocation, curriculum, talent, professional development, disciplinary policies, and the implementation of support programs (Davis, 2003). Research shows that schools with principals who actively advocate for equity, build strong relationships with students, and prioritize culturally responsive teaching see better outcomes for Black male adolescent students (Hall, 2006).
Principals in underfunded schools on Chicago’s South and West sides face the difficult task of balancing limited resources with the high needs of their student populations. These leaders must navigate systemic challenges such as inequitable funding, teacher shortages, staff acting as loco parentis, and high rates of student absenteeism, all while working to create a supportive environment for Black males (Lipman, 2011). On the other hand, principals in wealthier neighborhoods have more access to resources, experienced staff, and community support, enabling them to provide a higher quality of education. This disparity shows the role that principals play in either mitigating or perpetuating educational inequities (Howard, 2013).
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