Thus, we are given something of a point/counter-point with respect to the division of labor which dictates a role for the United States and for NATO as supplemental to the punitive capabilities of the
United Nations international courts.
Certainly, if there is a parallel between this situation and that
currently afflicting the Sudan, this prospect of ethnically motivated
killing is the most pressing and does appear to justify a division of labor
which allows for individual state actors to take a lead role in conflict
intervention. However, the relative failure of any parties to take a
sufficient and rapid response to the situation in the Sudan demonstrates
the danger in allowing individual states to too greatly influence or direct
the agenda of the international community. Certainly, speaking from a
politically realistic standpoint, the United States is currently ill-
equipped to consider an additional military undertaking given its
continuing troubles in Iraq.
But as the Marshall Plan doctrine that has guided benevolent
international intervention on the behalf of those undefended against human
rights violations argues, the United States is proving itself a silent
enabler of a conflict which has surely already claimed an irreconcilable
number of casualties. (Kunz, 162) International organizations most closely
related to the problems taking place in Darfur and future conflicts like it
might be considered the most practical immediate route to rectification of
the actions still unfolding there. The African Union's primary function
for existence is to prevent or reverse the effects of the human rights
tragedies like those that the world is now witnessing and allowing in the
Darfur region of Sudan. However, its personnel assert that the Union's
abilities are severely limited by a lack of resources, manpower and
international support. Though recent current events indicate some measure
of...

The AU's newly evolving conflict resolution mechanisms are being tested by this crisis. It is next to impossible, however, that the
AU's methods will succeed without greater international contribution and
action.
This brings about the promises of the Marshall Plan, which indicates
that America's self-evident dominance in world affairs and its paralleled
presumption of itself as supporter of constitutional democracy saddle it
directly with the responsibility to help address the Darfur crisis and to
take a lead role in any such future conflicts. Specifically, the doctrine
indicates that the cost of its dominance as well as the pursuit of its
foreign interests are together contributory to its interest in bringing
about peace, stability and the rectification of justice in venues where
such is needed. Thus, if the U.N. is to be considered an effective
punitive force, the United States must work to support local alliances and
international agreements aimed toward conflict reconciliation.

Works Cited:

Bass, G. (2003). Milosevic in the Hague. Foreign Affairs, 82(3), 82-96.

Buchanan, Pat. (2002). A Republic, Not An Empire: Reclaiming America's
Destiny. Regnery Publishing, Inc.

Kunz, D. (1997). The Marshall Plan Reconsidered. Foreign Affairs, 76
(3), 162-170.

Reynolds, D. (1997). The European Response. Foreign Affairs, 76(3), 171-
184.

U.S. Department of State. (1952). German Compensation for National
Socialist Crimes. Foreign Claims Settlement Commission of the U.S.
Department of Justice. Online
at .

Week 4 Lecture. (2008). Lecture. Notes. International Relations; Norwich
University.