Challenging the Beijing Consensus China Foreign Policy in the 21st Century Dissertation or Thesis complete
- Length: 60 pages
- Sources: 50
- Subject: Economics
- Type: Dissertation or Thesis complete
- Paper: #17194104
- Related Topic: Foreign Countries, Neoliberalism, Managerial Challenges
Excerpt from Dissertation or Thesis complete :
Foreign Policy of China (Beijing consensus)Structure of Chinese Foreign Policy
The "Chinese Model" of Investment
The "Beijing Consensus" as a Competing Framework
Operational Views
The U.S.-China (Beijing consensus) Trade Agreement and Beijing Consensus
Trading with the Enemy Act
Export Control Act.
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act
Category B
Category C
The 1974 Trade Act.
The Operational Consequences of Chinese Foreign Policy
The World Views and China (Beijing consensus)
Expatriates
The Managerial Practices
Self Sufficiency of China (Beijing consensus)
China and western world: A comparison
The China (Beijing consensus)'s Policy of Trading Specialized Goods
Chapter 5
The versions of China (Beijing consensus)'s trade development
The China (Beijing consensus) Theory of Power Transition
References
Foreign Policy of China (Beijing consensus)
Chapter 1
Abbreviations
ACD arms control and disarmament
ACDA Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
ADB Asian Development Bank
ADF Asian Development Fund
APEC Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
ARF ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] Regional Forum
ASDF Air Self-Defense Forces
AShM anti-ship missiles
ASW antisubmarine warfare
AWACS airborne warning and command system
BIS Bank for International Settlements
BWC Biological Weapons Convention
CATIC China Agribusiness Development Trust and Investment Corporation
CBM confidence-building measure
CBNT Comprehensive Ban on Nuclear Testing
CCF Country Cooperation Framework
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CD Conference on Disarmament
CFC chlorofluorocarbon
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
CISS China Institute for International Strategic Studies
CMC Central Military Commission
COW Correlates of War
CPs country programs
CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty
CWC Chemical Weapons Convention
CWG China Working Group
DDG guided-missile destroyers
DMCs developing member countries
EAEC East Asian Economic Caucus
EDI Economic Development Institute
EEC/EU European Economic Community/European Union
EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone
EPBs environmental protection bureaus
FALSG Foreign Affairs Leading Small Group
FDI foreign direct investments
FFG guided-missile frigate
FIAS Foreign Investment Advisory Service
FPDA Five-Power Defense Agreement G-7 Group of Seven
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GDP gross domestic product
GNP gross national product
HDI human development index
IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank
ICBM intercontinental ballistic missiles
ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
ICPs inter-country programs
IDA International Development Association
IDF Indigenous Defense Fighter
IFC International Finance Corporation
IGOs intergovernmental organizations
IISS International Institute for Strategic Studies
IMF International Monetary Fund
IOs international organizations
IR international relations
IRBM intermediate-range missiles
JSF Japan Special Fund
LDCs less-developed countries
LRF Laogai Research Foundation
ME military expenditures
MEIs multilateral economic institutions
MFN most-favored-nation
MIGA Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency
MNCs multinational corporations
MOFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs
MSDF Maritime Self-Defense Forces
MTCR Missile Technology Control Regime
NAM Non-Aligned Movement
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NDPO National Defense Program Outline
NEPA National Environmental Protection Agency
NGOs nongovernmental organizations
NIEO New International Economic Order
NMD national defense missile
NPT Non-Proliferation Treaty
ODA official development assistance
PLA People's Liberation Army
PLAAF People's Liberation Army Air Force
PLAN PLA Navy
PPP purchasing power parity
PRC People's Republic of China (Beijing consensus)
RFE Russian Far East
RMA Revolution in Military Affairs
RMB renminbi
SAM surface-to-air missiles
SDF Self-Defense Forces
SLOC Sea Lanes of Communication
SOCBs state-owned commercial banks
SOEs state-owned enterprises
SPC State Planning Commission
SSBN nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine
SSK kilo-class diesel-electric submarines
SSN nuclear-powered submarines
SSTC State Science and Technology Commission
TATF Technical Assistance Trust Funds Program
TMD theater missile defense
TNW theater nuclear weapons
TRA Taiwan Relations Act TVEs town and village enterprises
TWG Taiwan Working Group
UNCED United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
UNCHE United Nations Conference on the Human Environment
UNCLOS United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UK United Kingdom
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
WBG World Bank Group WTO World Trade Organization
Introduction
1.2 The Significance and Background of Research
For about two decades, Beijing consensus has pursued a long-term economic development strategy based upon expanded domestic markets; accelerated capital formation; far-reaching monetary, fiscal, and banking reform; and greatly increased reliance on foreign official and private assistance, loans, credits, direct investment, and trade, all within the framework of the global capitalist economic system. Critical components of China (Beijing consensus)'s ambitious program to build a prosperous modern economy have been an acceptance of a market economy (euphemistically called "socialism with Chinese characteristics") and participation in the world economy. If domestic reforms have provided economic incentives and institutional foundations for future prosperity, China (Beijing consensus)'s open door policy has brought increased access to foreign capital and expertise as well as the longer-range economic benefits of Ricardo's international trade theory of comparative advantage (Sutter & Choi, 1996, p. 27).
Since 1980 China's modernization policies have involved membership and active participation in a number of multilateral economic institutions (MEIs). Although China (Beijing consensus) has received invaluable technical expertise, technology, and capital resources through the MEIs, membership has also entailed an obligation for China (Beijing consensus) to open its economy and institutions to outside scrutiny, study, evaluation, and suggestions regarding its development strategy (Tang, 1959, p. 52). The MEIs include the World Bank Group (WBG) -- the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), or World Bank, and its affiliated agencies, the International Development Association (IDA), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) (Sutter & Choi, 1996, p. 27).
Though China (Beijing consensus) has been unable thus far to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO), in September 1996 China (Beijing consensus)'s central bank, along with its counterparts in eight of the world's fastest growing economies, was invited to join the prestigious Swiss-based Bank for International Settlements (BIS). The research intends to focus on China (Beijing consensus)'s participation in the MEIs; on the nature and consequences of those relationships for China (Beijing consensus)'s economic policies, institutions, and performance; and on a number of current issues and implications for both China (Beijing consensus) and the world community. As with all good research, the growing consensus about, and knowledge of, the policymaking structure raise as many questions as they answer. It seems quite clear that the policymaking process for the Mao period and large parts of the Deng period was vertically organized, especially for foreign policy issues. Mao and Deng were the final arbiters of Chinese foreign policy making. But is it an immutable aspect of the nature of power in China (Beijing consensus) that the top leader always takes foreign policy making as his prerogative, or is it a reflection of the particular authority and power associated with both Mao and Deng? (Tang, 1959, p. 52)
Although we now know a great deal about the structure of the decision making process, does this really tell us much about the resulting foreign policy? Regardless of the decision making structure, Chinese statesmen are basically realist analysts of international affairs, some insightful observers argue. Most of the recent revelations about foreign policy decision making have focused on diplomacy and the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or on particular instances of the use of force. But there is little systematic work done on the integration of diplomatic, military, and foreign trade- related decision making. How are the diverse elements of China (Beijing consensus)'s interactions with the outside world integrated into a more or less unified whole? Finally, how do international and domestic influences affect the nature of the decisions reached by the Chinese leadership on international issues? Thus, our knowledge has grown dramatically, but the number of issues resolved by this new information is still relatively small (Sutter & Choi, 1996, p. 27).
In this research I will survey the decision making apparatus as it bears on China (Beijing consensus)'s international posture and will describe the structure of the system as it has developed over time. I will present five short case studies of important or telling incidents in the history of China (Beijing consensus)'s relations with the outside world, drawing some conclusions about the nature of the policymaking process from them. I will conclude with the likely evolution of the foreign policy making process and decision rules in the emerging post- Deng era (Tang, 1959, p. 52).
In terms of political values, the era of Maoism is long past. Although China (Beijing consensus) remains authoritarian, the success of its political economy in tripling gross domestic product over the past three decades has made it attractive to many developing countries. In parts of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the so-called "Beijing consensus" on authoritarian government plus a market economy has become more popular than the previously dominant "Washington consensus" of market economics with democratic government. This has been reinforced by the 2008 financial crisis, and China (Beijing consensus) has reinforced its attraction by economic aid and access to its growing market.
China (Beijing consensus) has also adjusted its diplomacy. A decade ago, it was wary of multilateral arrangements and at cross purposes with many of its neighbors. It has since joined the World Trade Organization,…
