Risky Sexual Behavior in Adolescents: Research Review

Introduction

The scholarly literature on adolescence and health reflects the fact that some young people make risky decisions regarding sexual activities — and the use of drugs also plays a role in their behavior. In this paper, those issues and others related to adolescent sexual behaviors — including the earlier initiation of sexual activities — are presented through in-depth analysis of four peer-reviewed research articles.

Adolescent Sexual Timing and Psychosocial Adjustment

There has been an assumption in the literature for some time that when adolescents delay their first sexual experience, they adjust better psychosocially as young adults. Another assumption has been that instances where young adults have their first sexual intercourse experience between 16 and 18 years of age "are linked to lower adjustment in many life domains" (Haase, 2012, p. 199).

However, a peer-reviewed research article in the journal European Psychologist challenges those notions with empirical data that is both interesting and myth-shattering. In fact, some of the research presented reflects "that not only early but also late timing of first sexual experiences can be associated with lower psychosocial adjustment in selected domains of young adulthood" (Haase, p. 199). The authors reference the research of Havighurst (1976), Heckhausen (1999), Heckhausen, Wrosch, and Schulz (2010), Neugarten and Neugarten (1996), and Settersten (2009), as having contributed to the theory that being "off time" — whether too early or too late with initial sexual activities — leads to "lower adjustment" as young adults (Haase, p. 199).

But does being too early — or too late — with one's initial sexual engagement create a situation that is "maladaptive," as the above-mentioned research asserts? The article at first challenges existing notions about the too-early or too-late concept, but ultimately remains uncertain about what is true. The conclusion Haase and colleagues reach reflects that "late sexual timing carried its own adjustment risks regarding social relations and well-being," and they add that "other forms of 'problem behavior' in adolescence may be linked to lower adjustment" (Haase, p. 209).

Those other forms of "problem behavior" are not spelled out by the authors, and the article seems somewhat thin on the broader picture of adolescence — a period of dramatic changes and challenges that extend well beyond sexuality. In reviewing the research by Haase and colleagues, the authors admit on numerous occasions that their findings could be skewed. The word "limitations" appears five times on pages 208 and 209; this in itself does not negate the value of the research, but it does raise questions about how solid the findings truly are.

For example, the self-report surveys used with adolescents could be misinterpreted because about 60% of respondents in one study "did not classify oral sex as 'having sex'" (Haase, p. 208). The authors acknowledged that some adolescents may have interpreted the term "sexual experiences" as meaning vaginal intercourse, when the researchers were actually attempting to gather information about activities such as serious petting, mutual masturbation, and other sensual acts between teens. Given this level of confusion, the reliability of the research findings is difficult to assess fully, and the authors' call for additional research is an understatement.

Early Risky Sexual Behavior in Rural Adolescents

The authors of a research article in the journal Issues in Comprehensive Pediatric Nursing explain that most research involving the early and risky sexual behaviors of adolescents has focused on urban populations. Accordingly, they conducted a longitudinal study of 255 adolescents between the ages of 14 and 17 in a rural setting.

On pages 192 and 193, the authors put forward five hypotheses about what they expected to find: (a) males would show more risky sexual behaviors than females; (b) those from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds would engage in more risky behaviors than those from high SES backgrounds; (c) those engaged in risky sexual activities would score lower on measures of religiosity, social connectedness, parental monitoring, and parent-adolescent communication than those not taking sexual risks; (d) greater peer influence would be linked to sexual risk-taking; and (e) those taking risks would be more likely to smoke marijuana and tobacco and to consume alcohol (Rew, et al., 2011).

As to the first hypothesis (a), it was not supported: rural males reported "fewer sexual-risk behaviors" than females. The second hypothesis (b) was also not supported, as SES differences did not prove significant. Hypothesis (c) was "partially supported" because sexually risky adolescents did report lower scores on religiosity, parent-adolescent communication, social connectedness, and parental monitoring. Hypothesis (d) was "fully supported" because sexually risky adolescents scored significantly higher on peer influence. Hypothesis (e) was confirmed, as those engaged in "sexual-risk behaviors also engaged in significantly more additional health-risk behaviors" including drugs, alcohol, and cigarettes (Rew, pp. 198–199).

In their Discussion section, the authors effectively presented an in-depth narrative comparing their findings with existing research conducted with urban adolescents. They helped explain why rural adolescents tend to be somewhat more cautious about risky sexual behaviors: rural adolescents "have limited opportunities to interact with other adults" and therefore tend to bond more closely with their parents in a caring way (Rew, p. 199).

The authors candidly admit in their "Limitations and Strengths" section that this study cannot be "generalized" to all rural adolescent populations; however, the research does carry validity regarding rural adolescents because it was conducted across three different rural areas (Rew, p. 201). The conclusion is specific and pointed: the majority of rural adolescents "reported no sexual-risk behaviors," and they tended to be more religious, more connected to "caring adults," and less influenced by peers regarding smoking and substance abuse than adolescents in urban settings (Rew, p. 201). The authors call for further study with larger samples of rural adolescents, but unlike the previous research study examined here, very little equivocation is found in this article.

Conclusion

The findings reflected in the four research articles are important for teachers, parents, administrators, counselors, healthcare providers, and community leaders — all of whom are stakeholders in the future of society. Knowing at what age and why adolescents engage in risky behaviors is important in terms of identifying possible interventions; it is also valuable information for helping young people live lives free of disease and other complications arising from risky decisions made during adolescence.

Works Cited

Cooper, M. L., Wood, P. K., and Orcutt, H. K. (2003). Personality and the predisposition to engage in risky or problem behaviors during adolescence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(2), 390–410.

Fantasia, H. C., Sutherland, M. A., and Kelly-Weeder, S. (2012). Gender differences in risky behavior among urban adolescents exposed to violence. Journal of the American Academy of Nurse Practitioners, 24(7), 436–442.

Haase, C. M., Landberg, M., Schmidt, C., Ludke, K., and Silbereisen, R. K. (2012). The later, the better? Early, average, and late timing of sexual experiences in adolescence and psychosocial adjustment in young adulthood. European Psychologist, 17(3), 199–212.

Rew, L., Carver, T., and Li, C. C. (2011). Early and risky sexual behavior in a sample of rural adolescents. Issues in Comprehensive Pediatric Nursing, 34(4), 189–204.