After-School Programs for Migrant Students: Benefits and Challenges
This paper examines the positive contributions and negative effects of after-school programs for migrant students in the United States. It begins by defining the legal category of "migratory child" and outlining the compounding challenges of mobility, poverty, and language barriers faced by this population. The paper then evaluates program activities — from sports and arts to academic instruction — against evidence-based criteria for effectiveness, drawing on studies measuring attendance, frequency, and breadth of participation. It also reviews the role of community partnerships, technology initiatives such as Project ESTRELLA, and a comparative table of effective versus ineffective program indicators to offer practical guidance for program administrators.
- Introduction: Challenges Facing Migrant Students: Legal definition and barriers facing migrant children
- Positive Contributions of After-School Programs: Social interaction and academic benefits of programs
- Negative Effects of After-School Programs: Income loss and psychosocial risks for migrant families
- Evaluating After-School Program Successes and Failures: Attendance, frequency, and dosage as success measures
- Community Resources and Program Delivery: Community partnerships and Project ESTRELLA technology
- Indicators of Effective and Ineffective Programs: Comparative table of program quality indicators
- Conclusion: Best practices for administrators serving migrant students
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What makes this paper effective
- Grounds its analysis in a precise legal definition of "migratory child," giving the discussion a firm statutory foundation before moving to program outcomes.
- Balances qualitative arguments with quantitative evidence — for example, citing specific attendance thresholds (100 days for elementary, 50 for middle school) from the Frankel and Daly study to illustrate what "sufficient dosage" means in practice.
- Uses a comparative table of effective versus ineffective program indicators to synthesize multiple sources into a usable framework for practitioners.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper demonstrates effective evidence synthesis: rather than summarizing each source in isolation, the author weaves together findings from Dietal (2009), Frankel and Daly (2007), Zhang and Byrd (2005), and others to build a cumulative argument about what program frequency, breadth, and responsiveness actually produce. This approach models how to move from individual studies to broader, actionable conclusions.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens by establishing the demographic and legal context, then divides its analysis into positive and negative outcome sections before expanding into a broader evaluation of program features. Community resources and technology initiatives (Project ESTRELLA) are addressed mid-paper, and the argument culminates in a comparative indicators table followed by a practical conclusion aimed at program administrators. This funnel structure — from definition to evidence to recommendation — is well-suited to policy-oriented education writing.
Introduction: Challenges Facing Migrant Students
Frequent mobility by itself causes numerous difficulties because of days lost moving between schools and the lack of curriculum continuity. Together, poverty and mobility are a combination that can have a lethal impact on the educational aspirations of migrant children. With the vast majority of migrant students coming from homes where a language other than English is spoken, effective teaching and learning faces an even more formidable challenge (Troja, 2004).
The migrant child population, however large it is, is both a homogenous and heterogeneous group — alike in the sense that a majority of them are, or are descendants of, Mexican-American immigrants, but widely different because the total includes relatively small numbers of many minorities: Haitians, Puerto Ricans, African-Americans, poor Whites, Vietnamese, Cambodians, and Eastern European refugees. Clearly, neither race, language, nor nationality determines one's status for the Migrant Education Program (MEP). Neither is it poverty per se. It is only mobility — in the specific sense outlined in the statute — that makes a child eligible for the program (Branz-Spall et al., 2002).
By definition, then, examining the positive and negative outcomes associated with after-school programs for migrant students is challenged by the fact that these young learners move frequently and there are few studies available concerning them. In the United States, the law defines the term "migratory child" to mean:
1. A child who is, or whose parent, spouse, or guardian is, a migratory agricultural worker, including a migratory dairy worker, or a migratory fisher, and who, in the preceding 36 months, in order to obtain or accompany such parent, spouse, or guardian in order to obtain temporary or seasonal employment in agricultural or fishing work,
2. Has moved from one school district to another;
3. In a state that is comprised of a single school district, has moved from one administrative area to another within such district; or
4. Resides in a school district of more than 15,000 square miles, and migrates a distance of 20 miles or more to a temporary residence to engage in a fishing activity. (Migrant Education Program, P.L. 107-110, Title I, Part C, Section 1309)
Positive Contributions of After-School Programs
It is possible to discern the positive contributions of after-school programs for this population by examining how well such initiatives satisfy evidence-based criteria for effective after-school programs and what features characterize effective versus ineffective approaches. Some of the common activities provided in many after-school programs include:
1. Playing games and sports; 2. Watching movies; 3. Exercising; 4. Singing; 5. Dancing; and 6. Cooking (Soukup, Schilling, Stelzer, Scott, Crawford, Kahan et al., 2006).
All of these activities provide migrant students with the opportunity to interact with their mainstream peers in ways that might not otherwise ever be available to them. During this interaction, all students learn to appreciate, respect, and better understand the cultural differences among themselves (Soukup et al., 2006). Research has shown that irrespective of program content, the increased social interaction that takes place in after-school programs promotes improved academic outcomes and school attendance.
While there is some disagreement about whether after-school programs should be extensions of the school-day curriculum or simply "fun" activities, there is widespread agreement among educators that if young learners do not enjoy the after-school program, they will not return. As Garner et al. emphasize, "If children do not like an after-school program's activities or staff, they will stop coming. If they stop coming, they may drift into some variety of self-care" (2002, p. 5).
For migrant students, the decision to provide curricular offerings, physical fitness and sports activities, or recreational activities such as movies or games will depend on the unique mix of students present at any given time. Because this mixture is highly dynamic, it is important for teachers to remain flexible in their after-school program offerings and tailor them to the current blend of migrant student preferences (Soukup et al., 2006).
References
Branz-Spall, A.M., Rosenthal, R. & Wright, A. (2003). Children of the road: Migrant students, our nation's most mobile population. The Journal of Negro Education, 72(1), 55–57.
Dietal, R. (2009). After-school programs: Finding the right dose — if the dose of time and activity are right, after-school programs can impact student learning. Phi Delta Kappan, 91(3), 62–64.
Frankel, S. & Daley, G. (2007). An evaluation of after school programs provided by Beyond the Bell's partner agencies: Executive summary and synopsis of methodology and findings. New York: Partnership for After School Education.
Garner, R., Zhao, Y. & Gillingham, M. (2002). Hanging out: Community-based after-school programs for children. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey.
Jones, T.S. & Compton, R. (2003). Kids working it out: Strategies and stories for making peace in our schools. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Kail, R.V. (2005). Advances in child development and behavior. New York: Academic Press.
Lomeli, J., Parks, J., Basurto, I. & Padilla, F. (2006). California Mini-Corps: Developing quality teachers for 40 years. Education, 127(1), 100–103.
Soukup, G.J., Schilling, E., Stelzer, J. et al. (2006). Should after-school programs be structured as an extension of the school day? JOPERD — The Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 77(8), 51–53.
Troja, G.A. (2004). Migrant students with limited English proficiency: Can Fast ForWord Language make a difference in their language skills and academic achievement? Remedial and Special Education, 25(6), 353–355.
Zhang, J.J. & Byrd, C.E. (2005). Enhancing the quality of after-school programs through effective program management. JOPERD — The Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 76(8), 5–6.
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