Berlin's Holocaust Memorial: Memory, Design, and Controversy
This paper examines Das Denkmal für die Ermordeten Juden Europas—the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin—as a contested public space shaped by decades of dispute over location, design, dedication, and construction. Drawing on memory studies, cultural theory, and architectural criticism, the paper traces Germany's broader effort at Vergangenheitsbewältigung (coming to terms with the past) through its memory landscape. It analyzes architect Peter Eisenman's abstract countermemorial design, the political and civic debates surrounding the Bundestag's decision, conflicts over the memorial's dedication to Jewish victims, and the Degussa construction scandal. The paper argues that the memorial's deliberate decoupling from historical symbolism functions as a provocation rather than a consolation, destabilizing cultural memory in productive ways.
- The Memory Landscape and Germany's Vergangenheitsbewältigung: Germany's effort to confront its Holocaust past
- Siting the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin: Political and geographic debates over memorial location
- Debates Over Dedication and Authenticity: Disputes over who the memorial represents
- Design, Decoupling, and the Countermemorial: Eisenman's abstract design and its theoretical significance
- The Construction of the Holocaust Memorial: Design competition, scandals, and completion
✍️ How to write this paper — guide, tools & examples ▾
What makes this paper effective
- The paper grounds abstract theoretical concepts—such as cosmopolitan memory, deterritorialization, and the countermemorial—in the specific, concrete history of a single site, making the theory accessible and purposeful.
- It integrates multiple stakeholder voices (architects, politicians, Jewish community leaders, journalists, and urban scholars) to reflect the genuine complexity of the memorial's contested status without reducing it to a simple narrative.
- The chronological treatment of the construction disputes, particularly the Degussa scandal, demonstrates how historical guilt actively re-entered the present, illustrating the paper's central theme at the level of events rather than just ideas.
Key academic technique demonstrated
The paper skillfully uses a theoretical lens (memory studies and the countermemorial concept) to interpret empirical case material. By introducing Vergangenheitsbewältigung early and returning to it throughout, the author creates a thematic anchor that connects architectural decisions, political debates, and civic controversies into a unified analysis. This is a strong model of concept-driven case analysis.
Structure breakdown
The paper opens with a vivid anecdote about St. Mary's Church in Lübeck to establish the broader tension between preserving and erasing physical evidence of war. It then introduces the theoretical framework (memory landscape, Vergangenheitsbewältigung) before moving into the specific case: the siting of the memorial, debates over its dedication and authenticity, Eisenman's design philosophy, and finally the chronological account of construction controversies. The conclusion is embedded in the construction section, ending with Eisenman's opening-ceremony remarks.
St. Mary's is a large, old-style brick church belonging to the council of the Hanseatic city of Lübeck. On the floor at the rear of the church, broken pieces of two large bells remain where they fell during an air raid in World War II. The third largest church in Germany, it took 100 years to construct St. Mary's but just one Palm Sunday night in March of 1942 to nearly destroy it. As with so many churches ruined by bombing during the war, parishioners debated about restoration. Citizens living on war-torn homelands are caught in a difficult dilemma: there is a lingering desire to preserve physical destruction as a message or signal to subsequent generations, or as an effort to share the horror of wartime experience. If the physical evidence of war is wiped away, then memory lives only in that intangible, solitary world of the mind. No one can ever quite understand war who has not endured it. And there is also a defiant need to return everything to the way it was—or to an even more glorious state—to wipe out the ugliness, and hopefully the ugly memories along with it. Often the desire to preserve the memories dominates the wish to forget.
The study of how the public engages with the past through built space encompasses the fields of history, cultural and critical theory, and memory studies. This paper will explore a contested space through an examination of the dynamics that shaped its actual physicality, beliefs about how that contested space informs history or deliberately decouples from it, and how stakeholders express their perceptions of cultural memory. "Identifying the use of space in any given moment—the occupation of space in any given moment—provides the opportunity to reveal contrasting, contradictory uses of space, to identify the ideological struggles that look to inscribe meaning."
Vergangenheitsbewältigung is one of those extraordinary compound words that baffle first by their sheer length and ability to stump a tongue not schooled in classical German, and baffle again in the struggle to interpret an exact meaning. In English, the closest translation is "struggle to come to terms with the past." Vergangenheit means "past" in German, and Bewältigung means "coming to terms with" or "mastering." Although one might fairly assume that the past referred to means history in a broad sense, that interpretation would be too general. For contemporary Germans, the word conveys a very explicit meaning: Vergangenheitsbewältigung refers to the process of digesting, analyzing, and finally learning to live with the Holocaust as part of Germany's national history.
One of the ways Germany has come to terms with its past is to create a "memory landscape" in its cities and across the countryside, wherever the Nazis and World War II left terrible traces. Journalist Lea Rosh dedicated 17 years of her life to an addition to that memory landscape that many Germans—Jews and non-Jews alike—did not believe was necessary. Rosh first proposed the idea of a central memorial to Jews murdered by the Nazis in 1988. She established a foundation and began collecting donations toward its construction. One year later, Berlin's citizens turned their attention to the fall of the Berlin Wall. An intense focus on the present—not the past—occupied German public life. The tasks of rebuilding and reorganizing Berlin and the challenges of unifying two states were at the forefront. But in 1998, the idea of locating a Holocaust memorial in Berlin appealed to the Bundestag and a resolution to erect the memorial was passed. Rosh insisted, as she had all along, that the memorial had to be built for the Germans and not for the Jews. The fact that the memorial is referred to in several different ways by Germans underscores this tension.
The formal name for the memorial is Das Denkmal für die Ermordeten Juden Europas, which translates to "The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe." Significantly, the memorial is commonly referred to as Holocaust-Mahnmal. Mahnmal translates to the English word "memorial," while Denkmal refers to a large structure—a monument. But in German, the word Mahnmal carries more meaning than mere remembrance: it conveys a sense of admonition and warning, an urging and an appeal. This everyday phrase used to refer to the memorial indicates that Germans received Rosh's message. The memorial is not a cenotaph, or empty tomb, in the traditional sense. In fact, designer and architect Peter Eisenman specifically stated he did not want names on the slabs, because that would reduce the memorial to a cemetery.
Create your account
Always verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.