Bilingual Policy Debate in the United States Explained

Introduction: Bilingualism as a Policy Issue

One of the most controversial issues facing today's policymakers in the United States is the question of bilingualism. The United States currently has a significant minority population whose first language is Spanish rather than English. Complicating this further, many of these people are Puerto Rican in origin or family ethnicity. As such, they are United States citizens, yet the majority of those living in Puerto Rico speak little or no English, and a significant number of those who have moved to the mainland have Spanish as their first language.

Americans can observe some effects of bilingualism as official policy by looking at the packaging of many goods sold in the United States, much of which already contains two languages — English and French. This is because Canada is officially bilingual, and anything sold there must be labeled in both languages. A first examination of this marketing practice suggests that recognizing two languages in a country may be good for business, as people speaking either language can shop with ease.

Not surprisingly, at least some people from Spanish-first families would like to see the United States officially bilingual, though they may hold somewhat unrealistic expectations about what such a policy would mean. When asked, "How would you feel if Spanish became a national language of the U.S. just like English?" one respondent said, "I would be mad happy! I think that if everyone knew both languages it would just be easier for everyone to have the same opportunities that just the white people do" (Doherty, 2004). However, becoming officially bilingual would not mean that English-first speakers would also learn Spanish. It would simply mean that both languages would appear more widely on signs and in official communications. It would not force those who speak English to learn Spanish, any more than it would force Spanish speakers to become fluent in English.

Puerto Rican Citizenship and Linguistic Assimilation

Residents of Puerto Rico have been American citizens since 1917 (Rubenstein, 2001). As such, they have held the advantages of American citizenship from birth. In spite of this status, some researchers report that, as a group, Puerto Ricans are slower to assimilate into the larger, English-dominant American society (Rubenstein, 2001), which some feel sets them apart from groups who are true immigrants. Others argue that this sense of separation within U.S. citizenship is a serious problem for the country (Rubenstein, 2001), while others view it as a cultural and linguistic difference that, while significant, does not represent any real crisis.

These issues have spilled over into one of the most consequential policy decisions concerning Puerto Rico's political status — whether or not to grant the territory statehood. Some feel that doing so would somehow make Spanish "co-equal" (Rubenstein, 2001) with English, effectively pushing the United States toward an official stance of bilingualism.

In fact, bilingualism is not as simple a skill as many policymakers and politicians seem to assume. When a person speaks two languages fluently, he or she must choose which language to use based on sometimes subtle contextual cues (Becker, 1997). One student interviewed for this paper explained how she makes that choice: "It depends who I'm with. At school it's all English because a lot of my friends there don't know any Spanish. Here in the neighborhood, maybe a little Spanish sometimes — we can go back and forth, you know? But at home, definitely all Spanish. My mom doesn't like us to speak English around her since she can't understand it. I guess it all depends on the situation or who I'm with" (Doherty, 2004). She recognizes that circumstances sometimes demand English, and this calculus would shift if policy changed to declare the United States a bilingual country. She also reported her mother's deep frustration when others cannot understand her, and how she frequently must translate for relatives (Doherty, 2004). She is caught between wanting her mother to be accepted and recognizing the practical necessity of English fluency (Doherty, 2004).

Cultural and Educational Controversies

Several controversies surround the question of whether the United States should be officially bilingual. Culturally, people from ethnic minorities often work hard to maintain their first language as a connection to their heritage. This, in turn, is sometimes resented by some English-first Americans, who feel that those who move to the United States have an obligation to learn English. They argue that a bilingual stance would encourage minority communities to resist assimilation (Rubenstein, 2001).

In education, some are adamantly opposed to bilingual education, arguing that earlier immigrants went to school and simply "sank or swam," and that the great majority learned good English and became successful. All instruction was in English and, in their view, "it worked" (Rothstein, 1998). Other critics contend that certain laws passed by Congress — including the Civil Rights Act of 1964 — actually interfered with assimilation by implementing policy poorly and requiring multilingual instruction (Rubenstein, 2001). Some critics go even further, asserting that teaching about subcultures in public schools only encourages people to remain separate from the dominant culture (Rubenstein, 2001). In their view, the dominant culture is English-speaking, and schools bear a responsibility to transmit that culture to all students.

Conclusion: Realistic Expectations for a Bilingual Policy

It appears that multiple, sometimes conflicting, beliefs exist about policy related to bilingualism. Some who speak Spanish as their first language may hold unrealistic expectations for what becoming a bilingual country would mean in practice. While public signs — such as street signs and highway markers — would appear in both languages, English-speaking citizens would not be required to learn Spanish. That said, greater emphasis on bilingualism would likely be introduced into schools. At the same time, the fears of those most opposed to a bilingual policy may be exaggerated.

A formal policy of bilingualism might benefit the economy, making products and services more accessible to the significant minority of Americans who speak Spanish. However, an official bilingual policy would not by itself create new opportunities for those who currently face linguistic barriers due to limited English proficiency. The underlying challenges of economic access and social inclusion would require more targeted interventions beyond a language designation alone.