Black-White Achievement Gap: Causes and Solutions

Introduction: The Scope of the Achievement Gap

As recently as 1998, the press was reporting that African Americans scored lower than European Americans on vocabulary, reading, and mathematics skills tests in general, as well as on standardized tests claiming to measure scholastic aptitude and intelligence. Although the gap had narrowed somewhat after 1970, the average Black child still scored lower than white peers — by as much as 15 percent. Despite abundant speculation and a wealth of research, no one had yet come up with a "magic bullet" to stop the disparity. In fact, research had shown that the problem was extremely difficult to overcome, despite more than 40 years of school integration and improvement in other socioeconomic factors. "It is true that the gap shrinks only a little when black and white children attend the same schools. It is also true that the gap shrinks only a little when black and white families have the same amount of schooling, the same income, and the same wealth" (Jencks and Phillips, 1998).

The disparity is substantial, as revealed by grades — students exhibit both high and low GPAs across racial lines. Researchers in Shaker Heights, Ohio, found that the "black-white GPA gap equals roughly one letter grade. The mean GPA is in the neighborhood of C+ for blacks and B+ for whites" (Ferguson, 2001). Several researchers studied the 5,600-student Shaker Heights school district to try to discover the causes of the problem. Troubling achievement disparities had been identified there: "While blacks constituted more than half the enrollment at Shaker Heights High at the time, they accounted for fewer than 10 percent of the top-achieving students, but 90 percent of those at the bottom" (Viadero and Johnston, 2000).

The findings might be even more troubling if anthropologist John Ogbu's analysis is correct. Ogbu was the main proponent of the idea "that the historical mistreatment and continuing marginality of blacks in the United States foster 'attitudes and skills less favorable to white middle-class type school success'" (Ferguson, 2001). Ogbu died in 2002, but shortly before that, speaking to the City Club of Cleveland, he noted that "blacks shunned good grades and challenging schoolwork for fear of acting white, that black students didn't listen in class, they had poor study habits" (NPR, 2003).

The 'Acting White' Phenomenon and Peer Pressure

Other researchers have also identified this syndrome. "Studies since the 1980s have identified a tendency among some African-American students to accuse high-achieving black students of 'acting white' — especially if they also use standard English or associate with white classmates," according to Viadero and Johnston. In their work, they spoke with many students, and this response was typical: "A lot of black kids have in mind that we just got to go to school and get our C's and D's," said MAC scholar Jaronn Lawson. "If we could just break that perception, they'd see there is no such thing as 'acting white' or 'acting black'" (Viadero and Johnston, 2000).

That might be a chicken-and-egg question; perhaps some students retreat into "acting Black" because they began at a disadvantage. Black students entering kindergarten show weaker reading skills overall than their white counterparts. This disparity persists through secondary schooling, and notably, it exists and continues even when students' parents have equal years of education. Researchers working with this observation have found that schools can positively affect the disparity by examining two speculative causes: teachers and students. "In an ideal world, schools would reduce these disparities" (Ferguson, 2003).

Researchers have found that Black students who are low achievers seem less engaged with academics than high achievers. They allow other concerns — notably "being cool" — to occupy mental energy that might otherwise be directed toward studying and academic achievement. "Among black males and females whose predicted GPAs are 2.0 or lower, the mean value of the 'friends think academic zeal isn't cool' variable is right around the mean for all students in Shaker Heights. At the same time, 32 percent of these males and 21 percent of the females report that they hold back" (Ferguson, 2001). The same research found that holding back was most prevalent among students reporting negative peer pressure and who took no honors or Advanced Placement classes. Some reported that their friends "make fun of people who try to do real well in school," and if "friends disapprove of grade competition, then the rate of holding back rises to over half" (Ferguson, 2001).

Holding back has been studied fairly extensively in an attempt to explain the achievement gap. Researchers noted that peer pressure was perhaps not the only reason for holding back. Students who had the skills to achieve at a higher level sometimes did not do so — not because of overt peer pressure, but because they personally wanted to fit in. One researcher uses the example of Sidney and Max: "Though Sidney and Max scored higher than most of the high-achieving males on the PSAT, nonetheless their response was to avoid learning what their scores were and, once that was no longer possible, to minimize the importance of what they had done. Since their friends are like them — football players and athletes — they do not want to call attention to themselves in areas other than athletics" (Ferguson, 2001).

Student Engagement and Holding Back

Avoidance of honors and AP courses was also a form of holding back not always captured in surveys. Anecdotal evidence suggests that Black students are far less likely to enroll in honors and AP courses, even after adjusting for attitudes, behaviors, and family backgrounds (Ferguson, 2001). According to research on Advanced Placement participation, disparities in course enrollment have long-term consequences for college readiness and outcomes.

The concept of engagement was another factor used to define the holding-back attitude. Four categories were found to affect engagement: first, having a purpose or goals; second, having strategies to pursue those goals; third, believing one has sufficient ability; and fourth, perceiving rewards sufficient to make effort worthwhile. If any of these was substantially absent, "then engagement is likely to be minimal" (Ferguson, 2001).

Homework completion would have to be considered part of engagement. In some studies, Black students were shown to spend as much time as — or even more time than — white students doing homework, yet showed "a lower rate of homework completion. Note also that the amount of time spent doing homework (a measure of effort) does not help in predicting GPA, once the percentage of homework completed (a measure of effort and proficiency) is taken into account. Overall, the data indicate that blacks on average spend about twenty minutes less time each night on homework than whites do" (Ferguson, 2001). Teachers and administrators in Shaker Heights told researchers that Black-White differences in conduct and rates of homework completion make it appear "blacks exert less effort than whites and have more oppositional attitudes about achievement" (Ferguson, 2001).

Regardless of how one interprets these behavioral differences, the same researcher ultimately acknowledges that both skill-related and effort-related factors "play major roles in predicting GPAs of B or better for some black students, but C or lower for others" (Ferguson, 2001). He notes difficulty in interpreting those results because the causative factors are unclear, but adds: "Over time, attitudes and behaviors can affect achievement, but achievement can also affect attitudes and behaviors, in a process of cumulative causation" (Ferguson, 2001).