This paper examines gangs as a distinctive global subculture, tracing their history from 18th-century America to their present-day worldwide prevalence. Drawing on cultural deviance theory, strain theory, and social control theory, the paper explores the social and structural conditions — including poverty, racial marginalization, and globalization — that foster gang formation. It considers the difficulties researchers face in defining gangs and measuring their scope, and how definitional inconsistencies hinder effective public policy. The paper also addresses community-level responses, including prevention and intervention programs, and argues that engaging gang members on a human level offers the greatest potential for reducing violence and addressing the deep inequalities that underlie gang culture.
Gangs are a global presence found in nearly every culture. While there are variations in intentions and behaviors, there are general patterns and basic characteristics shared by all gangs. This paper briefly explores the definition of gangs, the history of gangs, their effects both locally and globally, and the reactions of the communities in which gangs reside and conduct their activities. Gangs exist firmly as a distinctive subculture. Theories such as cultural deviance theory, strain theory, and social control theory offer frameworks through which professionals and scholars may consider and explain the formation of gangs. This paper references these theories as part of an examination of gangs as a subculture.
Some communities reluctantly accept gangs within their borders because certain gangs offer protection to community members. Many others, however, wish to eradicate gang membership and activity, primarily because of the brutal violence and highly dangerous illegal activities gangs commit. Innocent bystanders are often victims of gang violence. The paper therefore also considers the methods of gang prevention and intervention with the greatest potential for efficacy. Gangs are groups of youths and adults that engage in delinquent and illegal behaviors, which firmly ascribes them the status of a subculture.
Discussing gangs as a culture presents some initial difficulty. As a delinquent group, many of their members and activities are undocumented. Because gang culture varies considerably within itself as a subculture, it is difficult both to define a gang and to track its activities. On a broader scale, this lack of information creates gaps in the historical record, since gang history is not formally documented by those on the other side of the law. Nonetheless, evidence of gangs extends back centuries, and some authors offer explanations as to why gangs are more prevalent in some countries than in others.
A historical review of American gangs suggests that they began to emerge along racial and ethnic lines in the 1760s. These organized crime gangs had ethnic homogeneity in their organization: the Irish gangs were the first to emerge, followed by the Germans, Jewish, and Italians. Although the United States is not alone in being an industrialized nation with major urban areas, a sizable minority population, and failed social policies for the urban poor, the U.S. is unique in its development of the urban street gang. Gangs in the U.S. are far more prevalent and more permanent in communities and infrastructure, and are larger and more complex than in most countries (Esperanza, 2010, pp. 5–6).
Gangs have a known history of nearly three centuries. No matter where they are present, gangs tend to form along the same boundaries of ethnicity, race, and class. These are among the most widespread and common traits of gangs. Gangs are more likely to exist in countries where the poor are deliberately underserved. When people are made poor and intentionally kept poor because of their ethnicity and class, these conditions become breeding grounds for gang formation.
Just as the world changes, gangs change too. It is partly because of their ability to adapt and survive that gangs continue to exist today. As Esperanza (2010) notes, gangs are not a static phenomenon:
"They are always in an ongoing state of evolution and transformation, impacted by processes of social exclusion, rapid and uncontrolled urban growth, migration, community disorganization or lack of positive social capital, racism, bias, presence of readily available drugs and weapons, difficulties of youth building personal identity, politics, mental health issues, problematic families and the lack of a faith foundation." (pp. 5–6)
The factors contributing to the worldwide prevalence of gangs have existed just as long as — or perhaps longer than — the gangs themselves. When these underlying factors gain resolution and improvement, the existence, prevalence, and activities of gangs should be altered as well, ideally in a positive direction for both communities and gang members.
Studying gangs reveals deficiencies in other aspects of society. While gang members do commit crimes and each individual bears responsibility for his or her own choices, there is a definitive influence of environment upon those choices. When a person perceives that only a limited range of choices is available because of the conditions in which they live, some people — statistically speaking — will choose criminal action. Strain theory is particularly useful here: it shifts the focus away from the individual and toward the structures within society that create pressures so great that some people are bound to resort to criminal activities, or at least become complacent about them when doing so helps them survive.
Cultural deviance theory explains similar aspects of gang existence. Class differences and variation in access to resources such as education are imbalances that are normal features of society, which in turn generate a certain amount of criminal activity to be expected within any given society, as the theory posits.
Beyond criminal activity, gangs are heavily predicated on personal bonds. Poor people who may have endured difficult home lives — parents with substance abuse problems, orphanhood, homelessness — turn to gangs not simply because they have an urge to commit crimes, but because gangs provide a deep sense of belonging. As Hagedorn (2005) explains:
"Gangs are a significant worldwide phenomenon with millions of members and a voice of those marginalized by processes of globalization. Understanding these social actors is crucial to fashioning public policies and building social movements that can both reduce violence and erode the deep-seated inequalities that all too often are reinforced by present economic, social, and military policies." (p. 153)
Gangs in the 21st century provide particular insight into the long-reaching effects of globalization. There have always been people marginalized in societies, but the prevalence of gangs specifically may reveal more to the world community about how marginalization persists and evolves over time.
Gangs are a subculture, yet an elusive one. As Lerman (1967) explains, the concept of "subculture" refers to shared symbols rather than a specific type of interaction pattern. A delinquent subculture can be said to exist when a relationship is found between shared symbols — such as deviant values and deviant speech, or argot — and behavior that is potentially noticeable by officials. The social context of this shared deviance can be quite varied (p. 63).
What we do know about gangs is that members often dress similarly, use specific linguistic and nonverbal codes, and, as noted by Lerman and others, remain in flux and highly adaptable. These qualities are precisely why so much about gangs remains unknown.
"Examines why no agreed gang definition exists"
"Explores how communities are impacted by gangs"
"Reviews strategies for reducing gang violence"
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