Role Transitions Into Old Age: Retirement and Grandparenting

Introduction

Centuries ago, growing old was uncommon, and those able to transition into old age were revered by their communities as teachers, tribal historians, and sources of wisdom (Nelson, 2005, pp. 208–209). Growing old was therefore something to look forward to. In contemporary American society, however, transitioning into old age carries a number of negative connotations, including being seen as useless and a burden on society. Once the perceived value of reaching old age was stripped away, other pressing concerns began to dominate social attitudes toward elder citizens.

Terror Management Theory (TMT) posits that social constructs help protect individuals from the indifference and chaos of the world we inhabit, and among the most prominent examples is religion. Ageism likewise helps protect individuals from thoughts and feelings about their own mortality by distancing themselves from those inhabiting old age. If TMT accurately reflects attitudes toward old age in American society, then role transitions commonly associated with growing old may be stressful. To gain a better understanding of which role transitions tend to be traumatic for older adults, recent literature concerning this topic is reviewed here.

Generalizations About Role Transitions

Hinrichsen and Clougherty (2006) discuss research findings supporting their conclusion that retirement is not an especially trying time and that the so-called empty-nest syndrome is a rare phenomenon. They conclude that, in general, older adults adapt well to the loss of roles as they enter old age, but that taking on new roles may be stressful. For example, transitioning from spouse to caregiver, or becoming a partner with a chronic health issue, can cause significant problems in a person's life. Rarely is anyone prepared for these transitions when they happen, which places individuals at risk for experiencing a lower quality of life and for developing mental health problems such as depression. One of the more difficult transitions is assuming the caregiver role for a loved one suffering from dementia. The physical and emotional toll can be substantial because dementia is a progressive disease lasting years. Another transition requiring major adjustments is becoming a parent to a grandchild or grandchildren, with both positive and negative outcomes possible.

Transitioning into old age, contrary to the predictions of TMT, is therefore generally well-tolerated by many older adults. Ageism may dominate attitudes toward the old and the process of growing old — at least among younger adults — but the actual experience of growing old provides experiences and wisdom that moderate the terror of mortality. One exception to this outcome is the intrusion of new roles, such as caregiver, becoming chronically ill, or taking on the role of parenting grandchildren. A smaller portion of older adults, however, struggle with newer roles such as becoming a retiree.

The Stereotype Embodiment Theory provides an explanation for why role transitions may be difficult for some but not others (Levy, 2009). According to this theory, a portion of older adults continue to internalize socially derived negative connotations toward old age, resulting in negative mental and physical health outcomes. Additional factors may also play a role, as the next section on retirement reveals.

Variation in Retirement Outcomes

Successful retirement in terms of individual well-being depends on a number of factors, including changes in income, social networks, and status (Damman, Henkels, & Kalmijin, 2013). Persons who were never married or who were in a lifelong marriage were less likely to experience problems with retirement compared to all others, due in part to the financial strain of divorce. In addition, men, more than women, experience the loss of income more acutely. These results are especially interesting because the study took place in the Netherlands, where a universal pension system and private pensions are widely utilized. Compared to loss of income and status, lost social connections was the variable most often reported by retirees; however, with time the importance of lost social connections declined, whereas lost income and status continued to be missed. Overall, the authors concluded that the degree to which an individual invested in their work life determines how smoothly they transition to retirement, with those investing most heavily experiencing the greatest difficulty with losses.

These findings are consistent with those of a study comparing the retirement experiences of career and non-professional women, with career women identifying more strongly with their former career roles and experiencing the greatest sense of loss during the transition to retirement (Price, 2002). Non-professional women, however, seemed to adapt quite well to their new role as retirees because their identities were not tied to their work roles and continuity was maintained in the other roles in their lives.

Damman and colleagues (2013) looked for significant statistical interactions between work and health history and retirement success, but found none. In contrast, a European study found that poor work conditions predicted a desire to retire as soon as possible (Dal Bianco, Trevisan, & Weber, 2015). The relationship between poor work environment and actual or partial early retirement was weaker, but still significant. The desire to transition into the role of retiree, the authors argued, was probably due to the combined effects of generous pension plans common to European countries, seniority pay schedules, and rigid work arrangements, because these factors undermined the willingness of employers to invest in training senior workers. In other words, the greater the incentives to retire, the less likely employers are to invest in improving the work environment for senior workers.

Continued employment is another option for those entering old age. Carr and Kail (2012) examined which factors predicted this outcome. Based on their findings, retirees able to devote a portion of their discretionary time to volunteer work were more likely to reenter the workforce at least part-time. This relationship, however, was only observed among retirees who were actively engaged in volunteer work prior to retirement. In contrast, retirees burdened with caregiving roles — such as caring for a sick spouse or parenting grandchildren — were least likely to reenter the workforce, but only if caregiving began around the time of retirement. This relationship was not observed among retirees who had been caregivers before retirement.

An explanation offered by the authors is consistent with continuity theory (Atchley, 1989): individuals accustomed to being engaged in the community through work and volunteering will continue that trend after retirement. The imposition of a caregiving role at the point of retirement, however, will preclude workforce reentry.

References

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Atchley, R. C. (1989). A continuity theory of normal aging. Gerontologist, 29(2), 183–90.

Carr, D. C., & Kail, B. L. (2012). The influence of unpaid work on the transition out of full-time paid work. Gerontologist, 53(1), 92–101.

Dal Bianco, C., Trevisan, E., & Weber, G. (2015). "I want to break free": The role of working conditions on retirement expectations and decisions. European Journal of Aging, 12, 17–28.

Damman, M., Henkels, K., & Kalmijin, M. (2013). Missing work after retirement: The role of life histories in the retirement adjustment process. Gerontologist, published online 31 Dec. 2013. Retrieved from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2013/12/30/geront.gnt169.full.pdf+html.

Hinrichsen, G. A., & Clougherty, K. F. (2006). Interpersonal Psychotherapy for Depressed Older Adults. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association.

Kaufman, G., & Elder, G. H., Jr. (2003). Grandparenting and age identity. Journal of Aging Studies, 17, 269–82.

Levy, B. (2009). Stereotype embodiment: A psychosocial approach to aging. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 18(6), 332–36.

Nelson, T. D. (2005). Ageism: Prejudice against our feared future self. Journal of Social Issues, 61(2), 201–21.

Price, C. A. (2002). Retirement for women: The impact of employment. Journal of Women & Aging, 14(3/4), 41–57.