Self-Disclosure: Social Media vs. Face-to-Face Communication

Introduction to Self-Disclosure and Theory

Self-disclosure is the process of communication through which one person reveals oneself to another. It comprises everything an individual chooses to tell another person about themselves, making themselves known. The information can be descriptive or evaluative and can include thoughts, feelings, aspirations, goals, failures, successes, fears, dreams, as well as likes, dislikes, and favorites (Ignatius & Kokkonen, 2007).

The act of disclosing makes new or secret information known, and self-disclosure operates as a fundamental mechanism for building interpersonal relationships. Understanding how and when people choose to disclose information about themselves is essential to comprehending modern communication patterns, especially in an era when multiple communication channels are available. The advent of social networking sites has created new contexts in which self-disclosure occurs, prompting researchers to examine whether disclosure patterns remain consistent across different media or whether the affordances of online platforms alter how and what people choose to reveal.

Symbolic interactionism provides one lens for understanding self-disclosure in social contexts. This theoretical perspective captures the ongoing processes between one's self, one's social interactions, and their links to developing meaning (Blumer, 1986). As individuals interact with others, they continuously shape and reshape their sense of self, and these evolving self-perceptions are reflected in the way they present themselves to the world.

Social Penetration Theory and Reciprocity

Social Penetration Theory specifies that self-disclosure has two key dimensions. The breadth of disclosure refers to the range of topics discussed by two individuals, while the depth refers to the degree to which the information revealed is private or personal. Breadth consists of outer layers of personality and everyday life, such as occupations and preferences. Depth, located in the inner layers, is harder to access and includes painful memories and unusual traits generally hidden from others (Tolstedt & Stokes, 1984).

A critical aspect of self-disclosure is reciprocity. As individuals, we expect self-disclosure to be reciprocal and appropriate to the relationship context. McAllister and Bregman (1985) emphasized the importance of the base-line—the variable that represents what would take place without the compelling influence of interpersonal interaction. This baseline encourages one person to disclose the same amount of information as they receive, establishing a norm of balanced exchange (Ignatius & Kokkonen, 2007). Understanding reciprocity is crucial when examining disclosure across different communication channels, as the perceived ability to balance disclosure may vary between face-to-face and online contexts.

Online Identity and Impression Management

Social networking sites such as Facebook allow individuals the time and space to create carefully curated images of themselves for social purposes. Interactions with other people shape individuals' views of themselves, and these views are then reflected in the way people present themselves (Rosenberg & Egbert, 2011). The asynchronous nature of online communication and the ability to edit posts before sharing give users unprecedented control over their self-presentation.

Erving Goffman (1959) believed people engage in calculated actions to develop and maintain a desired image of themselves as just, respectable, and moral individuals; above all else, they seek to establish a positive image. In the context of Facebook, Zhao and colleagues (2008) concluded that an individual's Facebook identity tends to be highly impression managed, though it is often difficult to attain offline. The curated nature of social media profiles means that users often present an idealized version of themselves rather than a complete or authentic one.

The concept of impression management has been empirically examined in terms of social desirability bias. Paulhus (1984) concluded in an experimental study that the Impression Management Factor was affected most by variations in demand for social desirability. On self-report scales, socially desirable responding was significantly higher when subjects expected their results would be made public. Impression Management on the Self-Deception Scale often stems from the embarrassing nature or positive qualities of a topic. Individuals are less likely to disclose information about sensitive issues (such as embarrassing personal habits or feared identities) than enhancing characteristics (such as quitting bad habits or accepting criticism), in which they can claim or disclaim without public embarrassment (Paulhus & Reid, 1991).

Self-Esteem and Disclosure Patterns

Omarzu (2000) examined the Disclosure Decision Model (DDM), which outlines the processes that ultimately lead to different types and levels of disclosure. According to the DDM, situational indications must highlight the salience of a particular social reward that can be achieved through disclosure. Disclosures then search for their target, and this interaction is evaluated on two dimensions: subject utility and subject risk. The subjective evaluation determines the breadth, duration, and depth of the disclosure. The DDM proposes that the decision to disclose is activated by social rewards including social approval, intimacy, relief of distress, social control, and identity clarification.

A critical moderating factor in self-disclosure is self-esteem. Baumeister, Tice, and Hutton (1989) observed that individuals with high self-esteem often draw attention to their good qualities through impression management, whereas people with low self-esteem focus more on avoiding the revelation of their flaws (cited in Forest & Wood, 2012). This defensive posture creates an interesting paradox: while self-disclosure is positively associated with likeability (Collins & Miller, 1994), people with lower self-esteem may avoid it precisely to protect themselves.

Research by Forest and Wood (2012) titled "When social networking is not working" determined that disclosures made by individuals with lower self-esteem express more sadness, anger, frustration, anxiety, fear, and irritability, and less happiness, excitement, and gratitude in their posts than those made by people with high self-esteem. Notably, Forest and Wood (2012) concluded that people with low self-esteem are more likely to disclose information through Facebook than to a close friend, suggesting that the perceived anonymity or psychological distance of online platforms may lower barriers to vulnerable disclosure for this population.